por Edison Ortiz González
“Y no sonaron las bocinas, no se ondearon banderas mapuches ni tricolores. Tampoco la gente salió a la calle a celebrar. Nadie fue a la plaza que divide a la ciudad y por la que tanto se ha dado la pelea. Nadie cantó, ni subió el volumen de las radios. Y el silencio de la noche resonó fuerte, casi estrepitoso… Si un pueblo no celebra, es porque ese pueblo no ganó nada” (Mario Barrios).
El triunfo del candidato del Frente Amplio en el pacto Apruebo Dignidad es inapelable en una candidatura que fue de menos a más.
Me confiesan militantes comunistas que, cuando la candidatura de Boric no prendía, ellos mismos salieron a buscar firmas, para hacer posible la primaria con Daniel Jadue.
La primaria del pacto Apruebo Dignidad del domingo 18 convocó a casi un millón ochocientos mil votos. La de 2017 entre Beatriz Sánchez y Alberto Mayol apenas llegó a 251.000. El salto es sideral, gigantesco. El resultado, desde el punto de vista del triunfador, es espectacular.
¿Pero cómo se llegó a eso, luego de que los propios comunistas salían a pedir firmas para que Boric pudiese competir?
Primero, muestran el cambio de clivaje político del país. Si en el siglo XIX el tema que marcó las preferencias electorales fue la pugna Estado-Iglesia y en el siglo XX resultó ser la dicotomía patrones-obreros y al final del mismo la controversia dictadura-democracia, lo que está primaria ha terminado por instalar es el anclaje de lo nuevo versus lo viejo. Los resultados de Gabriel Boric, así como los de Sebastián Sichel, confirman esta presunción.
Segundo, hay un fuerte sesgo comunicacional de algunos medios, que hicieron de Boric su propio candidato, lo que se evidenció en sus líneas editoriales y columnas. Otros medios abusaron y explotaron al máximo la condición de militante comunista de Daniel Jadue. En el debate de Anatel, por ejemplo, el propio candidato lamentó “que se haga caricatura del programa” ante la arremetida de Mónica Pérez, así como resintió las insistentes preguntas sobre Cuba. Todo ello confabuló para que el candidato del Partido Comunista, con algo de candidez, cayera en la trampa urdida y pisara el palito. Responsabilidad atribuible a Jadue, como también su declaración sobre la pasta base y otros desaguisados como el ir a la sede del PC el domingo de la votación.
Nadie preguntó por el programa de Boric, ni si efectivamente Sebastián Sichel, obtuvo su título de abogado o por cuál motivo persiguió y demandó, como presidente del Banco Estado, a deudores del CAE. Pero, en cambio, a Jadue le hicieron aflorar hasta un anuario estudiantil no escrito por él y lanzaron una andanada malintencionada contra su programa. A Boric nunca le preguntaron mayor cosa, con un guion preparado de antemano. En tanto, los mismos dueños de esos medios –incluido TVN, en manos del duopolio– aportaban en gran magnitud a la candidatura de Sichel. Sanhattan y la corredora de Leonidas Vial –la que administra las platas de Piñera-, marcaban el derrotero de la derecha en esta vuelta. Y así fue. La derecha cometió parricidio –mató a Lavín, su hijo prodigo– y en eso estuvieron Chadwick, la constituyente Cubillos y muchos más. Me cuentan amigos que en la región de 0’Higgins, con la honrosa excepción del diputado Macaya, toda la UDI, incluido el cuestionado ex alcalde Soto, estuvieron por el zigzagueante Sichel.
Cuatro: hace mucho tiempo que no veía aflorar ese anticomunismo acérrimo, denunciado por el ex diputado comunista Lautaro Carmona en CNN. Hoy, sin explicación razonable, el alcalde de Recoleta fue víctima de ese mismo anticomunismo en esta pasada. Me llamó la atención que el lunes 12 de julio tanto Javier Macaya como el senador de Renovación Nacional, Francisco Chahuán (el mismo que crucificó a Desbordes), llamaran a su electorado a no votar por Boric, evitando el mal menor. Luego de conocer los resultados de las comunas del Rechazo, está claro que una parte de ese electorado se rebeló, desechó a su padre (Lavín) y se refugió en los brazos del diputado por Punta Arenas.
Pero el parricidio de Lavín no solo fue público, sino que también, una cierta cultura política del anticomunismo de larga data en nuestro país, terminó por matar a Jadue. Se expresó en el mundo de la ex Concertación, en especial en el votante promedio del PS-PPD, que vio en el alcalde de Recoleta al nuevo “comeguaguas” y votó contra él. En ese contexto se explica la reunión Boric-Narvaez, ampliamente difundida por redes y medios, que se desarrolló en Concepción en días previos a la elección. A mi modo de ver, son muestras de un anticomunismo que es parte de una cultura política, en particular en el Partido Socialista, donde el militarismo –Marmaduque Grove–, la oligarquía –Eugenio Matte- y la crítica, muy fundada, a la ex URSS, son parte de su identidad colectiva. En ese sentido, no es casual que hace décadas, actores socialistas fueran co-fundadores de la Acción Chilena Anticomunista (ACHA) donde ofreció colaboración Juan Bautista Rosetti y otros miembros del PS. Ni hablar luego del rol de la Usopo y su financiamiento por parte de la CIA en tiempos de Allende.
Este lunes me escribió un amigo de Osorno que sabía de mi adhesión a Daniel Jadue. En su breve texto por WhatsApp me señaló “¿cómo eso de andar cerca del PC?”. Me acordé del relato de Carlos Altamirano que está descrito en su libro “Memorias” (Gabriel Salazar): “Salvador, después de ganar la elección decidió visitar al presidente Frei… se encontró ya no con el amigo que buscaba. Sino con un energúmeno. Allende me dijo que… en lugar del amigo de siempre, se había encontrado con un personaje que no conocía, que lo increpó indignado por lo que había hecho… porque nada bueno resultaba andando por ahí con los comunistas”. La frase de mi querido amigo confirmó mis presunciones.
Cuarto, la explicación está en una parte del electorado flotante o del 10% que deambula de un extremo a otro, siempre y cuando se les garantice algunos mínimos comunes. Es el mismo electorado, sobre todo juvenil y generacional (muy aspiracional) que en 2009 votó por Marco Enríquez-Ominami en primera vuelta y una parte del mismo, por Piñera en segunda; el mismo que en 2013 consagró a Parisi y que el 2017, votó por Piñera en segunda, dándole un triunfo histórico a la derecha o que hasta hace poco era hincha acérrimo de Jiles, sin siquiera enterase que el retiro del 10% fue obra de los diputados Mulet y Alejandra Sepúlveda.
Es el mismo que el domingo 18, en especial luego de mediodía, concurrió en masa a votar por Gabriel Boric, aunque nadie garantiza que llegara con él hasta el final.
En especial cuando, además, una pequeña parte del electorado de derecha que votó por él, así como del mundo de la ex Concertación volverá a su redil tradicional, otro tanto se dejará seducir por el candidato presidencial de la Lista del Pueblo, en especial si este es Jorge Sharp. Porque cuando el alcalde de Valparaíso se transforme en el nuevo “comeguaguas”, los medios que arman los debates presidenciales y su ejército de periodistas, recordarán quien “de verdad” es.
Boric ganó con creces, cuadriplicó la votación que el Frente Amplio obtuvo en 2017, pero habrá que despejar en primera vuelta cuánto sumó de verdad y cuánto voto le llegó por puro miedo.
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