Donald Trump en la mira de la justicia

Donald Trump vive su momento más complejo a nivel judicial. Si cae Trump, no caerá por sus crímenes contra la democracia, sino por fraude financiero y posesión ilegal de documentos clasificados. Es posible que siga impune, e incluso que salga reelecto en 2024—todavía tiene gran apoyo dentro de su partido. Pero las posibilidades de una condena parecen más reales hoy que en cualquier otro momento.

David Allen Harvey

El día 8 del presente mes, el FBI allanó Mar-a-Lago, la propiedad del expresidente norteamericano Donald Trump, en el estado de Florida (una combinación de residencia, hotel, y club privado en la ciudad de Palm Beach, al norte de Miami), hecho que, dado las divisiones políticas de los EE.UU., inmediatamente causó impacto. Los partidarios del exmandatario acusaron abuso del poder y lanzaron anatemas y amenazas contra el FBI antes de saber los detalles del caso, mientras que sus opositores, hartos de tanta impunidad, celebraron que finalmente Trump tendría que responder por sus actos ilegales. El Ministerio de Justicia publicó, primero, la orden de allanamiento del caso, indicando que Trump tenía guardado en el subsuelo de su hotel-club una docena de cajas de documentos clasificados, que se había negado devolver a los Archivos Nacionales, y luego, ayer, presentó una declaración más extensa de las posibles acusaciones legales contra el exmandatario. Sin embargo, este caso mediático es solamente uno de los problemas legales que enfrenta el señor Trump. Aunque es arriesgado hacer predicciones en materia legal, sobre todo con tantas incógnitas aún presentes, está claro que la posición legal del expresidente está cada vez más complicada.

Comenzamos con el caso de los documentos clasificados. Al principio, los defensores de Trump sugirieron que las acciones del FBI fueron un abuso de poder frente a materias triviales, como recuerdos personales de sus años en la Casa Blanca. Pero, ahora, se sabe que las cajas contienen documentos altamente secretos que podrían comprometer la seguridad nacional.  Aunque todavía se desconocen los detalles, las filtraciones a la prensa han hablado de secretos nucleares, comunicaciones privadas, e informes de las operaciones de inteligencia que revelan la identidad de espías o de fuentes encubiertas. Las excusas de Donald Trump y de sus partidarios han sido bien inconsistentes, pero básicamente se reducen al supuesto poder del mandatario de desclasificar cuantos documentos quisiera. Esta posición no es totalmente falsa, pero hay reglamentos que hay que cumplir para evitar la revelación de información secreta que podría perjudicar al país. En todo caso, el presidente tiene que desclasificar los documentos por escrito durante su mandato, y no se ha presentado ninguna indicación de que Trump hubiese iniciado tal proceso antes de dejar a la Casa Blanca. En este caso, la infracción de las leyes relativas a secretos de estado y la conservación de documentos públicos es bastante clara, y es penado por posibles penas de cárcel.

El exmandatario también se enfrenta a posibles acusaciones de fraude al fisco por sus negocios en el estado de Nueva York, donde vivió toda su vida antes de ser elegido presidente.  Durante muchos años, la empresa familiar Trump (que, además del expresidente, incluye sus tres hijos adultos y sus respectivos esposos), que compraba, arrendaba, y vendía bienes raíces, mantenía cuentas paralelas de una manera fraudulenta. Para dar un ejemplo un poco simplificado, cuando quiso pedir un crédito a un banco para comprar un edificio X, declaró el valor de la propiedad en dos mil millones de dólares, pero en sus declaraciones de impuestos, declaró el valor de la misma propiedad en solo mil millones, así reduciendo sus obligaciones fiscales. El exjefe de operaciones financieras de la empresa Trump, Allen Weisselberg, fue detenido por las autoridades del estado de Nueva York en julio del año pasado. Después de un año de declarar su inocencia, el 18 del mes presente, el señor Weisselberg se declaró culpable de 15 cargos distintos de fraude al fisco y aceptó testificar contra su antiguo patrón para recibir una sentencia mitigada. Como fue el señor Weisselberg quien mantuvo la contabilidad de la empresa Trump durante décadas, está más que claro que tiene la documentación financiera suficiente para hundir al exmandatario para salvarse a sí mismo si acepta colaborar plenamente, lo cual todavía está por verse. En estos casos, Trump arriesga posibles penas de cárcel, pero también la posible confiscación de gran parte de su patrimonio.

El señor Trump también enfrenta más de una docena de demandas civiles por acoso sexual de varias mujeres. Algunos de estos procesos estuvieron congelados durante sus años de mandato presidencial, pero ahora que es un ciudadano común, tendrá que responder. No solamente ha hablado en múltiples ocasiones sobre esta conducta (hasta dijo en una grabación que “cuando uno es famoso, ellas te dejan hacerlo”), pero la gran cantidad de acusaciones casi iguales presentan un patrón de comportamiento bastante claro. Aunque en la gran mayoría de los casos, el tiempo ha prescrito para presentar cargos criminales de abuso sexual contra el exmandatario, tendrá que responder a una serie de demandas civiles que podrían costarle millones de dólares.

Las acusaciones más graves contra Donald Trump—sus intentos de mantenerse en el poder después de perder la reelección entre su derrota el 3 de noviembre de 2020 y la inauguración del actual presidente Joe Biden el 20 de enero de 2021—también son las más difíciles de probar legalmente. Estos intentos tienen varias etapas: una serie de demandas legales sin fundamento, alegando fraude electoral en distintos estados; conspiraciones para intimidar funcionarios de los registros electorales (en EE.UU., instituciones al nivel estatal y no federal) o de nombrar “electores alternativos” para constatar su supuesta victoria en el Colegio Electoral (la matemática compleja y arcaica por la cual se designa el presidente después de los comicios populares); y finalmente, su papel en el fallido autogolpe del 6 de enero de 2021. Mientras sus otros crímenes alegados son ofensas contra privados o delitos financieros, sus intentos de revertir su derrota electoral son crímenes contra la misma democracia.

El comité investigativo de la Cámara de Diputados, liderado por el demócrata Bennie Thompson y la republicana disidente Liz Cheney, ha descubierto una serie de hechos, hasta entonces encubiertos, sobre los eventos del 6 de enero, y las encuestas indican que ha tenido algún efecto sobre la opinión pública: aunque nada podrá convencer a los partidarios de Trump, los votantes independientes o indecisos están más dispuestos a reconocer la gravedad de los hechos y la responsabilidad moral, si no legal, del expresidente. El Congreso no tiene el poder de iniciar un procedimiento criminal, pero sí puede referir los hechos que descubre al Ministerio de Justicia para que este formula cargos contra los responsables. Centenares de personas que participaron en el asalto contra el Congreso, el 6 de enero del año pasado, han sido detenidos, y varios de ellos han sido condenados a penas de cárcel. Muchos de estos detenidos han declarado que actuaron así porque los discursos de Donald Trump les habrían convencido de que la elección fue fraudulenta. Pero de allí a poder formular una acusación criminal suficiente para condenar al expresidente de incitar a la violencia no será fácil, y el fiscal nacional, Merrick Garland, es quien tendrá que decidir si tiene pruebas suficientes para ganar un eventual juicio.

Pero Trump y sus asesores también enfrentan un posible proceso de fraude electoral en el condado de Fulton, en el estado de Georgia, donde la evidencia parece bastante más clara. El resultado de Georgia fue, tal vez, la sorpresa más grande de la elección presidencial. Biden ganó allí por un margen muy estrecho–de casi cinco millones de votos emitidos, Biden triunfó por apenas once mil, o sea, por un 0,2% de diferencia—y fue el primer demócrata en ganar en Georgia desde Bill Clinton en 1992. La victoria se debe, principalmente, a la votación masiva que recibió en Atlanta, la ciudad de mayoría afrodescendiente más importante del país.  Sorprendidos de perder un estado conservador, donde contaron con ganar, Trump y sus asesores lanzaron acusaciones no fundadas de fraude, atacaron personalmente a funcionarios negros, y presionaron al gobernador y al secretario del estado de Georgia (los dos republicanos) de “encontrar” los once mil votos que necesitaron para ganar. Hay varias grabaciones de estas presiones, que claramente constatan sus presiones indebidas para revertir una elección democrática. La fiscal de Fulton County (Atlanta) abrió un caso legal en febrero de 2021, que sigue en pie. Los testigos claves, tanto el mismo Trump como el gobernador Brian Kemp y el senador Lindsay Graham, se han negado a dar sus testimonios, y las cortes aún tendrán que decidir si la fiscal los puede obligar a comparecer.

Cuenta la historia que el gangster más infame de los EE.UU., Al Capone, fue condenado no por los múltiples asesinatos que cometió, que nunca se pudieron comprobar, sino por evasión de impuestos, una acusación menor, pero más fácil de demostrar delante de la ley. Si tuviera que apostar, yo apostaría que, si cae Trump, no caerá por sus crímenes contra la democracia, sino por fraude financiero y posesión ilegal de documentos clasificados. Es posible que siga impune, e incluso que salga reelecto en 2024—todavía tiene gran apoyo dentro de su partido. Pero las posibilidades de una condena parecen más reales hoy que en cualquier momento anterior.  También, hay un elemento de justicia poética, dado el racismo y sexismo del expresidente, que sus adversarios más peligrosos en este momento son dos mujeres negras: las fiscales Leticia James de Nueva York y Fani Willis de Atlanta. Cualquiera de las dos podría hacer justicia (y también asegurar su propia futura política dentro del Partido Demócrata) si logran poner al expresidente tras las rejas. El papel que podría jugar el fiscal nacional, Merrick Garland, también tiene su aspecto de justicia poética, dado que este jurista fue nominado a la Corte Suprema en el último año de la presidencia de Barack Obama, pero su nominación fue vetada por los republicanos del Senado. Es un hombre demasiado escrupuloso para dejar que sus emociones interfieran con su trabajo, pero los eventos podrían comprobar el dicho popular de que la venganza es un plato que se come frío.

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