En su análisis, Ana María Díaz nos explica las razones del sorpresivo triunfo de Gustavo Petro en Colombia. Salió a votar la población afrodescendiente por la vicepresidenta Francia Márquez, Petro hizo valiosas alianzas con el expresidente Santos y el exalcalde Mockus. Pero la inflación también jugó un importante papel, con muchos colombianos pasando hambre. Esta situación ya ni siquiera le convenía a los jefes del poder económico en Colombia. Se aliaron con l@s nadies, como dice Francia Márquez, para derrotar al uribismo.
Ana María Díaz Collazos
Justo antes de las cuatro de la tarde del 19 de junio de 2022, se cerraron urnas de votación en Colombia. Una vez contados los votos por mesa, cada jurado en grupo se dirige a una computadora oficial donde se registran los votos. Al cabo de unos cuantos minutos es posible saber quién es el presidente de Colombia. En los primeros boletines, Rodolfo Hernández superaba a Gustavo Petro Urrego, el candidato de izquierda. En consulados ganaba Hernández (por supuesto, por los colombianos uribistas de Miami). El país se debatía entre la continuidad del uribismo y la llegada al poder, por primera vez, de un gobierno de izquierda. La continuidad tenía todavía un fuerte aparato político y los medios de comunicación a su favor. La posibilidad real de que el candidato Gustavo Petro Urrego fuera elegido presidente parecía un sueño inalcanzable. Sin embargo, el repunte de Petro en los siguientes boletines aceleraba el corazón a borbotones, como si fuera a salirse de una penumbra sin final.
Por primera vez en la historia de Colombia resultaba electo un presidente como Gustavo Petro, con unos planteamientos de bienestar social y ambiental. Parecía un resultado bastante extremo, como una sacudida en la historia solo comparable a la victoria militar de las huestes bolivarianas contra los bastiones virreinales en 1819, aunque algo así fue la presidencia de Alfonso López Pumarejo en la década de los 30 y 40.
¿Y ahora qué? ¿Viene entonces un golpe militar que va a dejar a Uribe como presidente vitalicio? ¿O va a haber un apagón y luego va a salir ganando mágicamente Rodolfo Hernández como cuando Misael Pastrana Borrero le robó las elecciones a Rojas Pinilla en 1970? ¿Llamarán a reconteo los uribistas, para decidir a puerta cerrada que Rodolfo Hernández sería el nuevo presidente de Colombia? En el país del realismo mágico, cualquier cosa de estas podría pasar. Con todo lo que se estaba demorando Petro en salir a dar su discurso de victoria, alcancé a pensar lo peor.
Cesó la Uribe noche, fue el meme que empezó a circular por ahí, que parodia una línea del himno nacional de Colombia: “cesó la horrible noche”, donde la horrible noche era la época colonial. En ninguna parte leí algo como que hubiera llegado el castrochavismo a Colombia, que se fueran a incendiar las iglesias o que el apocalipsis zombi fuera a homosexualizar a todos los colombianos “de bien”. Todas las mentiras de la larga carrera mediática del uribismo dejaron de sonar, como por arte de magia. Los clichés que le sirvieron a Uribe ganar el No en el plebiscito por la paz de 2016 parecían convertidos en simples “reservas”.
Petro ganó con 11.281.013 contra los 10.580.412 que sacó Rodolfo Hernández. Es un resultado bastante reñido, pero con una diferencia bien definida. Y mi humilde opinión es que Petro sacó muchos más votos que estos que se cuentan aquí. Petro alertó, en su cuenta de Twitter, que su equipo habría detectado tarjetones premarcados con votos en blanco (Tarjetones premarcados). En las elecciones de congreso en marzo de 2022, los ciudadanos notaron que en los resultados por mesas de votación sus votos no aparecían, lo que dio lugar a una revisión de los votos por mesa y se recuperaron tres curules para el senado (Petrismo sumó otras tres curules en el Senado). Pocos días antes de la elección, la policía arrestó a 20 líderes estudiantiles en ciudades como Cali y Bucaramanga (Capturan a 20 integrantes de la Primera Línea en Cali y Bucaramanga), de los que organizaron las protestas de abril de 2021. Además, se escucharon denuncias de empresas que estaban amenazando a sus empleados con despedirlos, si quedaba Petro de presidente (Las presiones a trabajadores para no votar por Petro caldean la campaña en Colombia). En algunos sectores del cristianismo protestante dijeron que Petro era un brujo, que ya había recorrido los cuatro puntos cardinales de Colombia para sellar el territorio de la Bestia. Hicieron vigilias de oración para evitar la llegada del comunismo ateo a Colombia. ¿Y después de que ganó Petro? No volví a escuchar algo así. Al fin y al cabo, la Biblia dice que Dios manda obedecer a sus gobernantes.
En 2018, Petro había logrado 8.040.449 votos en la segunda vuelta presidencial, contra 10.398.689 que sacó el títere uribista, Iván Duque. Los votos de Hernández, ahora en 2022, son los mismos de los uribistas juiciosos que salen a votar, aunque su patrón les dé palo. Pero Petro sacó 3 millones de votos adicionales a los que se sacó hace cuatro años.
Cuando observo el mapa electoral, veo que la mayoría de departamentos donde ganó Petro fueron las costas, que son los lugares con mayor cantidad de población afrodescendiente de Colombia. La fórmula vicepresidencial de Petro fue Francia Márquez, mujer afrodescendiente con recorrido político en activismo ambiental. Ella es una mujer oriunda de Suárez, en el departamento del Cauca, que colinda con el Pacífico. Tiene unas bases políticas fuertes en su lucha por conservar la soberanía sobre las fuentes de agua y contra la minería industrial. La base política de Francia Márquez inspiró una gran cantidad de votantes a caminar por las selvas y subirse a una canoa para llegar a su puesto de votación (Habitantes de la Costa salieron a votar en canoa por el invierno).
Tampoco descarto que Petro haya logrado mover maquinaria política a su favor. A lo largo de su campaña fue sumando fuerzas políticas de las rancias cunas del santismo oligarca. Fue Juan Manuel Santos el presidente que, aún salido de las entrañas del uribismo, logró el acuerdo de paz con la guerrilla de las FARC. También se unió a él Antanas Mockus, exalcalde de Bogotá, miembro del partido de Verde, que osa llamarse de “centro”, siempre muy crítica contra el petrismo. Incluso 800 militares retirados se unieron a Petro (También hay militares retirados que apoyan a Petro, ¿quiénes son?). Petro fue criticado por estas alianzas, como es criticado por casi todo, pero, en mi opinión, fueron las que empezaron a dibujar un panorama esperanzador para la candidatura de Petro. Esto mostraba que había una voluntad en bases importantes de poder para apoyar una eventual presidencia de Petro. Por eso, tal vez, no habría un golpe de estado o un apagón inesperado para dar por vencedor a Hernández, ni Petro sería asesinado.
Un sector del poder económico y político en Colombia ya estaba cansado del uribismo, y mucho menos veía sostenible un gobierno-títere sin un plan económico sólido. ¿Y Uribe? Al principio se la jugó por el peor de los candidatos, Óscar Iván Zuluaga, habiendo sido el que perdió contra la reelección de Santos en 2014. Luego, anunció que no enviaría candidato a la contienda electoral, pero todo mundo sabía que el que se opusiera a Petro estaría aprovechando todo el caudal político de Uribe. Repuntó en las encuestas un tal Federico Gutiérrez, pero pasó “sorpresivamente” a segunda vuelta el exalcalde de Bucaramanga, Rodolfo Hernández. Ambos eran personajes sin propuestas sólidas, sin una personalidad política presidenciable. Hernández tuvo numerosas salidas en falso, como comparar a la Virgen María con una prostituta o dejarse grabar en una fiesta de yate en Miami, organizada por Pfizer, con once hermosas mujeres en bikini. Este tipo de personajes parecen despertar la confianza de Uribe para que no lo volvieran a traicionar, como lo hizo Santos.
¿Y qué fue lo malo que hizo Santos, que no le gustó a Uribe? Hacer el Acuerdo de Paz, contra el que Uribe luchó con todas sus fuerzas. Cuando triunfó el No, en el plebiscito por la paz de 2016, Uribe aprovechó las ínfulas posplebiscito para llegar al poder con su títere, Iván Duque. Pero la pandemia empobreció mucho más a la clase media, con sus pequeños negocios cerrados durante la cuarentena, sin recibir ayudas del gobierno. En medio de esta crisis, Duque propuso una reforma tributaria que aumentaba los impuestos a la clase media, lo que desató las protestas multitudinarias de 2021. La moneda local se devaluaba en caída libre.
El asesinato de líderes sociales no daba tregua; antes se recrudecía. Y Francia Márquez, la actual vicepresidenta elegida, es una sobreviviente de esa masacre que se ha vivido en los territorios contra los activistas ambientales. Y, por eso, los matan: para evitar que lleguen a ser Francia Márquez. Esperamos que el gobierno de Petro logre deslegitimar esta matanza cobarde, para que así puedan llegar muchas como ella al poder, para que se consoliden alcaldías y en 2026, se pueda tener un congreso mucho más diverso.
El triunfo de Petro no es más que un posplebiscito por la paz, un llamado del pueblo colombiano y, de un sector del poder, para reestablecer una estabilidad social y una sostenibilidad de la economía. Si Uribe se hubiera sentado a negociar con Santos para sacar el Acuerdo de Paz, ahí estaría todavía en el poder. Pero no, los grupos paramilitares se limitaron a continuar la masacre para extirpar los movimientos sociales desde abajo. Tenían razón en su temor, porque desde el fondo de los liderazgos sociales se gestó la victoria de la izquierda que tanto temían.
Un país tan rico en biodiversidad como Colombia, con todos los pisos térmicos y abundantes fuentes hídricas, tiene el potencial para ser una potencia agrícola, con una producción local que diera seguridad alimentaria a todos los colombianos. Pero estaba pasando todo lo contrario: por cuenta de los tratados de libre comercio que firmó el uribismo, la comida ahora se compra a precios impactados por la inflación global y la devaluación del peso. A diferencia de Estados Unidos, donde la inflación se acompaña de una oferta de empleo desbordante, en Colombia la inflación lleva a la gente a padecer más hambre. Esta situación ya ni siquiera le convenía a los jefes del poder económico en Colombia. Se aliaron con l@s nadies, como dice Francia Márquez, para derrotar al uribismo. Pero los medios más leales al uribismo seguían con pie firme en sostener a su patrón.
En su discurso presidencial, le dio voz a Jenny Alejandra Medina, madre de un joven asesinado por el ESMAD en protestas de 2019. Este gesto simbólico es promesa de que su gobierno va a abrir un camino para legitimar las voces de las víctimas de violencia de Estado en Colombia, negadas por los medios tradicionales, silenciadas por amenazas y marginadas del accionar político. Las madres de hijos asesinados eran mujeres comunes y corrientes, a las que no les interesaba la política, y que fueron metidas de cabeza en ella por un evento fortuito de violencia.
Uribe y Hernández aceptaron rápidamente el triunfo de Petro. Los medios aliados al uribismo no titularon la noticia como “Llegó el castrochavismo a Colombia”. Hubo una aceptación pasmosa, casi premeditada, diría yo. Y Petro en su discurso habló de perdón, de un gobierno sin odios. Y tiene razón: no puede pretender una gobernabilidad si se dedica a perseguir al uribismo. Tampoco puede llegar a subirles los impuestos a los grandes poderes económicos sin mediar un diálogo. Tendrá que construir consensos, como dice el diario El Tiempo (Construcción de consensos, el reto del presidente electo Gustavo Petro). Ahora, el reto es gobernar con el inmenso baluarte político que el uribismo ha dejado en las instituciones públicas. No va a ser fácil, pero el camino parece que se venía allanando sin que, si quiera, lo sospecháramos.
106 comentarios en “El posplebiscito por la paz y el triunfo de Petro en Colombia”
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