Proceso constituyente: la derecha va de mal en peor

La derecha va ahora de mal en peor: no termina de adherir a la democracia como método de gobierno. Mantiene una convicción, según la cual sus intereses solo se pueden defender en instancias en que la soberanía popular esté interdicta o severamente limitada. Esa es una convicción, a lo Jaime Guzmán, de la que no se quiere desprender.

Gonzalo Martner

La coalición de derecha Chile Vamos, que ahora incluye al partido Amarillos sin más trámite, dio a conocer su «propuesta final» para redactar una nueva Constitución con una instancia de 50 integrantes elegidos y 50 designados. Esto ocurrió el viernes 2 de diciembre, cuando cambió su propuesta formal inicial de una instancia elegida de 50 miembros con la mismas reglas que el Senado. Igualmente, rechazó la propuesta que el jefe de la UDI había conversado con el presidente Boric, según versiones de prensa, que también contemplaba una instancia constituyente con solo miembros elegidos, aunque con participación del Congreso antes de presentar un nuevo proyecto constitucional para una aprobación final, mediante plebiscito.

La coalición de partidos de derecha decidió, en definitiva, refrendar que quiere volver a la idea de una democracia interdicta y no representativa, entusiasmada por el resultado del plebiscito de septiembre. Olvidan que este tiene solo un efecto legal y político: se rechazó la propuesta constitucional de la Convención, nada más.

La derecha va ahora de mal en peor: no termina de adherir a la democracia como método de gobierno. Mantiene una convicción, según la cual sus intereses solo se pueden defender en instancias en que la soberanía popular esté interdicta o severamente limitada. Esa es una convicción, a lo Jaime Guzmán, de la que no se quiere desprender.

Cabe constatar que incluso en la Constitución de 1980, modificada en 1989, la derecha fue más cauta, cuando impuso 9 designados, más los expresidentes (con la excepción de Patricio Aylwin), de 47 miembros del Senado. Finalmente, aceptó eliminarlos en 2005 (ejercieron hasta 2006), porque se iban sumando expresidentes no de derecha, que rompían el empate del sistema electoral binominal entonces vigente, en el que 2/3 valían lo mismo que 1/3.

Para el resto de fuerzas políticas, no es tiempo de retroceder en una cuestión de principios medular y ceder ante un chantaje inaceptable. Cabe reafirmar sin ambigüedades que se legisla y se redactan constituciones mediante representantes elegidos. Esos son los únicos expertos habilitados en una democracia. Punto y aparte. No es tiempo de aceptar un nuevo intento de reescribir las reglas elementales de la democracia en modo oligárquico.

La situación institucional vigente es la siguiente: desde el 23 de agosto de 2022, la Constitución se puede reformar por 4/7 de los votos del Parlamento. La derecha aceptó este año rebajar el quórum desde 2/3, lo que entró en vigencia a dos semanas del plebiscito, para mejorar las posibilidades de la opción Rechazo. Seguramente, ahora está arrepentida y por eso postula la proposición antidemocrática de conformar un órgano constituyente con la mitad de miembros no elegidos, sino designados por el Congreso actual, en el que tienen la garantía de que las fuerzas de gobierno no tienen mayoría. De no mediar un cambio en esta posición inaceptable, un nuevo parlamento y presidente(a) serán los llamados a habilitar, más adelante, la redacción completa de una nueva Constitución por una instancia democrática elegida para el efecto.

En lo que queda de este gobierno, no quedará sino, al parecer, ir tratando las reformas constitucionales indispensables caso a caso, o por bloque de temas, como el reconocimiento de los pueblos originarios; una mayor descentralización del Estado; más límites sociales y ambientales a la propiedad privada; la modificación de las concesiones mineras; una seguridad social; atención de salud y educación, con un rol público preferente; la creación de empresas públicas por ley simple; el apoyo preferente a la economía social, solidaria y del cuidado, entre otros diversos temas. Quedará así, para iniciativa de la coalición de gobierno que vayan quedando claras las posiciones de los unos y los otros en materias constitucionales en la agenda pública en los próximos años.

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