Reconocida como Patrimonio de la Humanidad por su diseño arquitectónico, su papel como ciudad industrial y la cultura propia que se generó entre sus habitantes, Sewell refleja esas características en sus divisiones espaciales y socioeconómicas que contribuyeron a una cultura de segregación y de racismo.
A.C. Mercado-Harvey
Esta semana celebramos el Día de los Patrimonios, y en nuestra región no es posible hablar de ellos sin referirse a nuestra joya arquitectónica: Sewell. Esta ciudad en medio de la cordillera no es única si hablamos de Company Towns, que es el modelo norteamericano bajo el cual la historiografía actual la clasificaría. Lo que hace a Sewell un verdadero patrimonio es su arquitectura y su historia. Esta es una temática que conozco en profundidad. En los 90, escribí mi tesis de licenciatura en Historia sobre la vida de esta ciudad entre 1941 y 1946. Allí narré la historia de las tragedias del humo y los aluviones, la lucha de los trabajadores y la resistencia de un pueblo al intento de la imposición de una cultura extranjera por sobre la propia. En estas páginas no tengo espacio para el análisis de ello, pero sí me referiré a la división de clases que se vio reflejada desde la situación habitacional en adelante.
En cuanto a la tipología arquitectónica de la ciudad, los edificios son lo más extraordinario del conglomerado. La unidad lograda radica en el sistema constructivo Ballon-Frame norteamericano, usado también en países escandinavos. Se dice que fue inventado en Chicago en 1832 y repetido en Sewell en camarotes y edificios atípicos, con módulos de 2 por 4 pulgadas, a 40-60 centímetros, en la aplicación de ventanas de guillotina estandarizadas, con techos de zinc a dos aguas y la fachada con algunos porches. El Ballon-Frame era de hasta 5 pisos, y se hizo con mezclas de sistemas constructivos con lozas de hormigón, con malla de refuerzo en los pasillos y estuco sobre la malla metálica. Las viviendas estaban categorizadas según la escala social establecida, punto que desarrollaré a continuación.
Según un estudio de la escuela de arquitectura de la PUC, en términos urbanos, Sewell tuvo 3 etapas: la primera fue de campamento a ciudad dispersa desde 1911 a 1916, cuando los núcleos habitacionales estaban repartidos al borde de los distintos puntos de trabajo, sin integración orgánica entre sí ni en su equipamiento formal, es decir, un poblado constituido por un pequeño conjunto de edificios. La segunda etapa fue de ciudad dispersa a madura, entre 1916 a 1966. La tercera, de ciudad madura a abandonada, desde 1969 en adelante cuando la empresa efectuó la “Operación Valle”, lo cual significó bajar a la población de Sewell a Rancagua. Lo trágico de esto, a nivel patrimonial, es que la ciudad fue desmantelada y quemada, destruida casi por completo, como ocurrió con la población americana. Lo que queda hoy es apenas una fracción de lo que fue Sewell antes de 1969.
La segunda etapa de apogeo de la ciudad fue cuando Sewell llegó a tener su mayor número de población en un espacio de solo 418.500 metros cuadrados. Durante estos años, la ciudad concentró una cantidad de población, servicios e identidad cultural, tanto como una estructura arquitectónica que le dieron un carácter urbano mucho más allá de un campamento minero. Así, nacieron las nociones de barrio, asociación, recorrido, encuentro y servicio que constituyen una ciudad. Dentro de este proceso se empezó a producir un sentido de arraigo, orgullo por el quehacer personal, la especialización laboral y la formación de familia y comunidad.
La presencia de mujeres y niños, como parte de unidades familiares, fueron dando a Sewell la noción de comunidad con identidad y cultura propia. Tal como ocurrió en ciudades industriales de los EE.UU., que es el modelo que se utilizó para la construcción y población de Sewell, la política empresarial privilegió a los trabajadores casados, con el objetivo de crear una comunidad y una fuerza de trabajo permanente.
Si miramos los modelos de ciudades industriales como Pullman y Potlatch en EE.UU., el argumento era que los hombres debían estar casados, porque un hombre de familia era considerado más estable y ayudaría a eliminar la movilidad que se producía, a menudo, en las compañías madereras. De este modo, los solteros eran los últimos contratados y los primeros en ser despedidos. Esta misma política fue copiada por la Braden en Sewell. Como explica el historiador Thomas Klubock, se creía que los trabajadores solteros pasaban su tiempo bebiendo, jugando, peleando y que estaban dispuestos a hacer huelgas, mientras que los casados dependían más de sus sueldos y eran más consistentes y estables. Lógicamente, lo que más le preocupaba a la empresa era evitar las huelgas. Sin embargo, como argumenta Klubock en su investigación, en esto se equivocó la Braden, puesto que los trabajadores casados planeaban sus vidas en la mina y luchaban por mejorar sus vidas, condiciones de trabajo y la de sus familias.
La presencia de las familias en Sewell fue fundamental en su conformación como ciudad, ya que la presencia de estos núcleos familiares creó necesidades que impulsaron la provisión de servicios. A su vez, estas familias implicaron procesos de sociabilización e identidades que fueron creando una comunidad que convirtió el campamento en ciudad minera.
Esta ciudad fue creciendo en medio de un sistema infraestructural-arquitectónico planeado con cuidado por la Braden, que creó jerarquías reflejadas en espacios diferenciados. Algunos de estos espacios tenían acceso permitido para todos, y otros lo tenían restringido y vigilado por la policía de la empresa, los serenos, un cuerpo interno que funcionaba según las políticas de la empresa, en términos de vigilancia y control.
Según fuentes orales, los serenos estaban por todas partes, siempre vigilando la conducta pública y privada de la gente. Además, controlaban que se respetara la ley seca, algo absolutamente foráneo a la realidad de Chile. En ese aspecto, y en otros, Sewell se convirtió en una ciudad norteamericana en medio de la cordillera chilena. La segregación es parte de esa cultura, y la Población Americana era, por excelencia, el espacio restringido a la mayoría de la población sewellina. En la década de los 40, la población extranjera constituía solo el 2% de la población total de la ciudad y, junto a algunos chilenos con altos cargos, eran los que habitaban ese barrio custodiado por serenos. El Teniente Club era otro espacio restringido solo a los jefes y altos funcionarios de la empresa. Estos espacios cumplían una función restrictiva y hacían notar las diferencias y jerarquías dentro de la ciudad, lo que implicaba que todo estaba separado, según la función que cumplía.
Las viviendas estaban divididas de modo jerárquico y correspondían a la estructura social. Los tipos A eran de primera categoría y eran habitados por el personal norteamericano. Los B y C, situados en el área del centro, correspondían a los empleados y jerarquías mayores. Los de tipo D pertenecían a los obreros. Los problemas generados por la necesidad de aprovechar el espacio al máximo, repercutieron en la jerarquía que impuso grandes diferencias habitacionales, lo que era una queja frecuente transmitida a los sindicatos y por estos a la compañía. Este fue un motivo de conflicto entre obreros y jefes, incluso criticado por los jefes de la empresa que visitaban desde EE.UU., quienes se quejaban de la forma en que vivía la gente encerrada en los cerros en “condiciones deplorables” en los camarotes.
Las diferencias eran enormes en términos de espacio. Mientras una familia de la Población Americana contaba con un promedio de 177 metros cuadrados divido en 2 pisos, las viviendas tipo B albergaban a una familia en poco más de 61 metros cuadrados y una de tipo C contaba poco menos de 60. Los camarotes de solteros tenían piezas de casi 14 metros cuadrados en que se acomodaban 4 a 6 obreros, con baños comunes de menos de 10 metros cuadrados. Las familias de los obreros debían acomodarse en 34 o 47 metros cuadrados. Los camarotes que los mismos norteamericanos visitantes consideraban deplorables, según testimonios podían llegar a contener habitaciones de 3,5 metros cuadrados, espacio en el cual cabía una cama, un mueble para guardar ropa, una mesa de noche y una silla. Lo peor era el sistema conocido como “camas calientes”, que consistía en camas-literas dentro de una pieza de no más de 13,89 metros cuadrados, sellada con rejas y candado. Según testimonios: “la gente entraba a su cama como un animal”. No existía ninguna privacidad ni higiene, en una misma cama dormía un obrero que otro ocupaba cuando este llegaba de la faena.
Las diferencias no terminaban ahí, también los sistemas de calefacción diferían según el tipo de vivienda. Las casas en la Población Americana tenían calefacción eléctrica, con la cual también contaban las habitaciones de los profesores y los del Bachelor Home. En tanto, las casas de obreros y empleados solo disponían las cocinas a leña para calefaccionar sus espacios. Todas estas diferencias fueron marcando una escala social bien definida. Dentro de los obreros, había distintos tipos desde los “bulteros”, que eran trabajadores independientes que eran pagados por la gente de acuerdo al bulto que cargaran, hasta los trabajadores de la mina, que también estaban divididos en diferentes categorías, tanto en función como en sueldo. Dentro de los empleados, había también una amplia gama que iba desde los empleados de la empresa hasta los públicos, constituidos por profesores, carabineros y enfermeras. La categoría mayor se conocía como los “dorados” o rol oro, que eran los chilenos que ganaban en dólares, generalmente ingenieros en minas. Sin embargo, los gringos, apelativo referido a todo el que fuese estadounidense o europeo, eran una categoría en sí misma y estaban divididos entre los que vivían en el Bachelor Home para solteros o en el Staff House y los que eran casados y vivían en la Población Americana.
Estas divisiones espaciales y socioeconómicas ciertamente contribuyeron a una cultura de segregación y de racismo. Los norteamericanos utilizaban el término native para referirse a los locales y los locales se referían a los extranjeros como gringos. En los testimonios orales que recolecté en los 90, muchos tenían noción de este clasismo, mientras que algunos lo negaban como parte de la idealización del pasado sewellino.
Sewell fue construida a lo largo de los años con una serie de limitantes geográficas. Sin embargo, la ciudad creció y se desarrolló por más de 60 años en medio de la cordillera. La riqueza arquitectónica, única en Chile, y el patrimonio cultural de la sociedad sewellina es algo vivo en la memoria de los descendientes de quienes fueron parte de la vida de esta ciudad. Hoy, patrimonio de la humanidad de la UNESCO, Sewell continúa siendo visitada muy poco por el alto costo de los tours y la imposibilidad de los ciudadanos de visitar este monumento, a excepción del Día de los Patrimonios. Es de esperar que esto cambie y el rico patrimonio cultural sewellino pueda ser disfrutado por más habitantes de nuestra región, por otros chilenos y extranjeros.
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