Mirado desde la historia y los acontecimientos políticos, el Senado ha sido más un problema que un aporte a la profundización de la democracia en Chile. En su clásico texto de Historia de Chile, los historiadores Julio Pinto y Gabriel Salazar catalogaron a la Cámara Alta como “una cámara oligárquica y obstruccionista”.
Por Edison Ortiz
Durante la última semana nos enteramos de que la Comisión de Sistema Político de la Convención Constitucional aprobó una nueva figura institucional que pone fin al tradicional Senado. Si bien la iniciativa deja abierta la posibilidad de la mantención de un sistema bicameral, aunque con otro nombre –Consejo Territorial, con menos atribuciones que las que tiene hoy– va por el camino de avanzar a un sistema de una sola cámara, tal como lo señaló uno de sus firmantes: “un congreso unicameral corregido”.
De inmediato, desde la prensa tradicional y conservadora –principalmente El Mercurio y La Tercera– así como desde la derecha y un segmento de la ex Concertación, se articuló una crítica abierta a la propuesta. Llamó la atención que se sumaran senadores socialistas en ejercicio y electos a esta contribución que intenta superar una institucionalidad legislativa la cual, mirando desde la historia y los acontecimientos políticos, ha sido más un problema que un aporte a la profundización de la democracia en Chile. En su clásico texto de Historia de Chile, los historiadores Julio Pinto y Gabriel Salazar catalogaron a la Cámara Alta como “una cámara oligárquica y obstruccionista”.
Una cámara oligárquica y obstruccionista
Cuando se diseñó y discutió el modelo institucional de la nueva república, allá por los albores del siglo XIX, no era un hecho ni estaba dado que Chile tuviese que adoptar el modelo institucional portaliano que finalmente se desarrolló, más a sangre y a fuego (por la razón a la fuerza, reza nuestro escudo nacional) que como resultado de una discusión habermasiana al interior de la oligarquía local. Prueba de ello es el sinnúmero de modelos constitucionales que se experimentaron y que abarcaron una constitución moralista, otra liberal, un proyecto de nación federal hasta concluir en “una monarquía, pero sin rey”, con un presidente con excesivas atribuciones en un modelo presidencial sin salidas a las crisis. Observemos, por ejemplo, el ciclo Bachelet-Piñera con gobiernos que, en la práctica, han durado un año en sus respectivos mandatos y sin embargo, se debe esperar el fin del ciclo presidencial para resolver las crisis. Ello, sin mencionar los golpes de estado y las guerras civiles que produjo una institucionalidad que encorsetó al cuerpo social sometiéndonos a reventones periódicos, seguidos luego de ciclos autoritarios.
Cuando se habla de Senado oligárquico baste revisar no solo los apellidos de los integrantes de esa cámara a lo largo del siglo XIX, todos hacendados latifundistas, luego empresarios mineros y con conexiones con la banca local, sino también la extensión de su mandato primero por nueve años (1833) y reelección indefinida y luego por ocho años (1925 y 1980) más allá del periodo presidencial. Ese carácter se confirmaba con la tradicional reunión muy regada entre pares que se realizaba un fin de semana cada cinco años en una hacienda oportunidad en la que definían qué parte de la torta se llevaba cada uno, si el trozo mayor de La Moneda o qué curules del Senado. Desde la del Huique en nuestra región salieron dos presidentes, por ejemplo. En esos encuentros, los mayores focos de conflicto fueron por las disputas en su seno por quién sacaría mayor provecho a las inversiones del estado, en especial obras de regadío, infraestructura pública, la creciente clientela electoral estatal y, por supuesto, por dónde pasaría el ramal del tren proyectado. La pugna entre los Errázuriz de Colchagua y los Correa de Curicó por el trazado del ramal ferroviario que finalmente benefició a los hacendados colchagüinos, es un buen ejemplo de lo anterior.
En un modelo que fue profundamente estudiado por Arturo Valenzuela -y que con Esteban Valenzuela personificamos en Infante y Matta: entre la disidencia y la cooptación. El fracaso del federalismo en el siglo XIX (Cuadernos de Historia, Universidad de Chile, 2014)-, se implementó un piloto que se reestrenaría décadas después: los brokers. Quien ocupó ese rol, el senador, se transformó en una figura política que, a cambio de prebendas como las ya señaladas, transaba sus votos con La Moneda, con independencia de si era parte o no de la coalición gubernamental.
Cuando el asunto no les resultaba así, y la figura presidencial quiso tomar distancia del grupo dirigente que lo instaló, allí venía, entonces, su defenestración. Si no me creen vean lo que pasó con el presidente José Manuel Balmaceda, o con el rol que jugaron los senadores de oposición, en particular Aylwin y Frei Montalva en la defenestración de Allende.
El Senado ha sido un modelo institucional oligárquico que se enlaza más bien con un orden feudal del tipo de los lores ingleses; téngase presente el texto La fronda aristocrática de Alberto Edwards, que intentaba emular el sistema político chileno con el inglés. Al estilo de aquellos señores nuestros latifundistas al acceder al parlamento, literalmente compraban un asiento legislativo para influir en las políticas de Estado, en especial sobre el uso y empleo de sus recursos.
Durante el siglo XIX, hasta el hundimiento de la vieja república, la situación siguió siendo más o menos similar y podemos ver cómo, incluso a inicios de la transición, no era raro que latifundistas como Onofre Jarpa, Andrés Zaldívar, Jorge Lavandero, Francisco Prat Alemparte, Sergio Diez, o banqueros como Sebastián Piñera o personalidades con apellidos vinosos como Gabriel Valdés Subercaseaux o Ignacio Pérez Walker o empresarios como Beltrán Urenda, ocuparan escaños en esa cámara.
No está de más señalar que, por lo menos hasta Ricardo Lagos, era costumbre que los presidentes electos provinieran de un asiento en el senado: para aquellos legisladores que tenían aspiraciones presidenciales, como ocurrió con Eduardo Frei Montalva, Salvador Allende, Patricio Aylwin y Eduardo Frei Ruiz Tagle, el ocupar un asiento en la Cámara Alta era la antesala para llegar a La Moneda.
Con la consolidación de la transición y del modelo neoliberal, varios de ellos como Onofre Jarpa por ejemplo, percibieron que ya no había peligro en la nueva democracia y notaron que la institución se iba desvalorizando políticamente, comenzando su lento éxodo del Senado y sus reemplazantes empezaron a provenir ya no directamente de la primera línea del mundo económico empresarial, sino que de sus empresas, directorios o directivas de sus partidos, en especial en la UDI.
En los colectivos políticos de centro izquierda con perfiles distintos –carrera partidaria, proximidad con quienes ejercen la presidencia de la república, o caudillismos locales– se consolidó el mismo fenómeno, el del broker, que negocia y transa sus votos con La Moneda a cambio de las prebendas que ofrece la maquinaria estatal en cada región. Su dedo político permeaba la orientación y manejo del presupuesto fiscal, la instalación de una clientela electoral estatal, cuando no la apropiación indirecta del presupuesto público, en especial en ministerios como el de Vivienda. Hemos tenido oportunidad de observar el rastro de este fenómeno una y otra vez en nuestra región desde que estalló el fraude millonario en Indap a fines de los 90’, el escándalo de las plantas de revisión técnica y las escuelas de conductores a comienzo del 2000 o, recientemente, la crítica destemplada de una senadora electa a la designación de un ministro cuyo corolario fue que se concluyó designando a un subsecretario del mismo colectivo, hecho que, más allá de lo que se diga, continua la lógica de los cotos de caza de la transición, cuyo fracaso más evidente como política pública ha sido el manejo del Sename por el PDC.
Se ha argumentado, incluso por gente de centroizquierda que el Senado “es una tradición institucional” pero, como hemos visto, es más bien una tradición oligárquica que no se corresponde con la democracia. Otros, como Carlos Montes, han indicado que se rompe “el equilibrio del poder”. ¡Claro! era que no, si la institución ha sido transversalmente eso: un espacio de negociación exclusiva de quienes alcanzan un sillón, incluso cuando se es de oposición. (Se me viene a la cabeza que mientras el diputado Latorre interpelaba a la ministra de Vivienda, Magdalena Matte, el senador Letelier aparecía con el gobierno de Piñera en Rancagua, respaldando el plan de reconstrucción de Piñera, cuestionado por la oposición, a cambio de beneficios para el legislador).
Epílogo: para fortalecer la democracia hay que poner fin al Senado
El reclamo de dirigentes, senadores en ejercicio y electos del PS –casi en coro con personalidades de derecha – por la posibilidad que la nueva carta magna ponga fin a esta institución, tal cual como la hemos conocido en nuestra historia, es la evidencia de cómo esta otrora gran colectividad también se ha deteriorado con el tiempo.
El hecho es que las críticas al acuerdo preliminar en la Convención han tomado, también, la forma de amenazas al próximo gobierno: uno de esos parlamentarios advirtió “¿por qué los senadores aprobarían una reforma tributaria mientras en la Convención les están quitando poder legislativo?”. Esto, lejos de respaldar posturas pro bicameralidad, ponen una vez más en evidencia el carácter obstructivista y oligárquico del Senado. Y reafirman la necesidad de reemplazarlo por una instancia que profundice la democracia e implemente las transformaciones y cambios que la sociedad necesita. Debemos avanzar hacia un órgano unicameral que subsane las anomalías y daños que le ha provocado al país un modelo bicameral que fortalece siempre la mantención del status quo y el encorsetamiento de la dinámica social, siempre cambiante en cada época.
149 comentarios en “Un ejercicio pedagógico: ¿por qué es necesario acabar con la institución del senado?”
Excelente artículo … ojalá que los convencionales no cedan a las presiones y se elimine definitivamente el Senado.
Plenamente de acuerdo contigo Mario, los dos sabemos muy bien que son l@s senador@s en esta región. Abrazos y gracias comentar.
Excelente artículo, con un buen análisis del comportamiento de nuestros legisladores….comparto el fondo del tema… pero la solución creo que no necesariamente es la eliminación…..Se puede mantener dos cámaras, con claras definiciones de sus roles, funciones y atribuciones, dónde el senado tenga un campo de acción, muy delimitado para que no incurran en situaciones como las descritas.
Hector, si pero el poder de ellos está en su capacidad obstruccionista, no se si eso se podrá mejorar abrazos y gracias por comentar
Se entiende poco la lógica del artículo . Un par de citas históricas del rol del senado en su historia, pero con los mismos argumentos , también se podría mencionar a los diputados a lo largo de la historia . El principal problema del unicameralismo es que vas a crear un monstruo de 7 cabezas en la cámara, que pueda destituir al presidente como ocurre en Peru, generando inestabilidad permanente . Concentras todo el poder en un solo órgano. Eso, además de no ser precisamente un ejemplo de cómo legisla una sola cámara. Ojalá la convención constitucional fuera “bicameral” para que alguien les revisara el adefesio que están armando.
En las democracias europeas, con unicacameralismo, no ha ocurrido lo que tu dices. Por el contrario, se adelantan las elecciones y se evita una crisis nS profunda con una nueva mayoría parlamentaria. Si ese modelo hubiese operado en Chile, Balmaceda, Allende no habrían sido asesinados, y nos hubiésemos evitado la larga agonía de Bachelet y Piñera II, no habrían golpes de estado y no tendríamos senadores bróker. Lo que no puede seguir es este modelo, bienvenido lo que llamas el adefesio, y que yo denominó un modelo político moderno para Chile!!!
Les comparto comentario recibido en mi whatsapp de Andrés Palma, colega en Universidad de Santiago.
Leí tu artículo, interesante.
Pero me parece que lo que aplicas al Senado también aplica a la Cámara.
Habría que suprimir ambas?
No, ciertamente.
El cambio que se propone no se justifica por esos argumentos, sino por gobernabilidad y representatividad.
En todo caso, estoy de acuerdo con lo aprobado.
Únicameral, es más cercano a la asamblea nacional o «popular» o «democrática».
Muy de acuerdo con los argumentos y ejemplos.
Sea cual sea el resultado del proyecto «adefesio» constitucional que se proponga al país, se debe APROBAR, porque, a pesar de las presiones de la oligarquía (empresarios, banqueros y yanaconas) para que sea una propuesta GATOPARDISTA, es el enedito proceso que sigue avanzando (desde que vio la la luz el 19O), despyes de siglos de estoica lucha.. (desde Arcos, Bilbao, artesanos, Recabarren… Miles de sindlcallstas y trabajador@s anónimos olvidadis en algun cementerio publuco o parroquial, o tirado al rio, al mar o desierto como represalia ejemplares para ligrar eso qye Edison denomina encorsetamiento)
Plenamente de acuerdo.
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İnanılmaz derecede duyarlı tasarım.
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