El conflicto en el Wallmapu en la visión de un jesuita en Tirúa

El sacerdote jesuita Carlos Bresciani completa casi dos décadas en Tirúa, en las que le ha tocado vivir una espiral de deterioro en las relaciones y el medioambiente, así como un retiro gradual del estado. Precisamente, cree que el estado es quien debe tomar la primera iniciativa para iniciar una escalada de confianza con todos los actores, incluyendo los que están armados.

Por Claudio Urtubia Cornejo

Carlos Bresciani es cura jesuita, tiene 49 años y, casi ininterrumpidamente, vive desde hace 18 años en Tirúa, provincia de Arauco, en el sur de la región del Bio Bio. Llegó a la comunidad que allí, en la proximidad del pueblo, formó la Compañía de Jesús sólo tres años antes. Hoy son 3 sacerdotes que en el día a día acompañan a comunidades cristianas, visitan a familias, se dedican a iniciativas ambientales en su casa y con vecinos y promueven la recuperación del mapudungún, la lengua original de las familias del sector, que se ha perdido principalmente como efecto de la discriminación. Apoyan también la labor de agrupaciones de tejedoras y la filial local del Hogar de Cristo. Y participan de redes nacionales e internacionales de pastoral indígena y ambiental.

Trabajo constante e intenso el que realizan cada día estos sacerdotes. Bresciani luce cansado, tal como dice que está la gente de Tirúa. Pero el cansancio no tiene que ver con el trabajo, sino con la tensión ambiental. Hay temor y desconfianza en Tirúa por la situación actual y quizás también por el lastre que implica la conciencia clara de décadas de abuso que el pueblo mapuche ha sufrido. Y aunque no le resulta fácil ser optimista, este sacerdote dice que tiene una esperanza y ve una luz. Leve y pequeña, pero la ve.

¿Está de acuerdo con el premio Nacional de Historia, Jorge Pinto, que sitúa el problema mapuche en la violencia que ha sufrido del estado?

Hay una violencia estructural que ha producido una violencia contextual actual, que no es una sino varias. Lo que hoy vivimos como violencia tiene que ver con la previa que no ha sido resuelta. Es como ver la herida que está en la piel, pero no la enfermedad que la produce y es más profunda.

¿Se refiere a la violencia que surge en la llamada “pacificación” de la Araucanía?

Hay varias violencias estructurales. Una explícita, abierta, que viene desde la “pacificación”, de un estado-nación que desconoce a una nación preexistente, no sólo moralmente sino vía armas, despojándola de su territorio. Sigue presente con otros despojos, el económico, la pauperización de un pueblo, con la entrada de un modelo que lo sigue empobreciendo. Hay un modelo forestal que es de los más ricos de Chile, pero este pueblo sigue entre los más pobres del país. No tiene lógica.

También hay una violencia que tiene que ver con el modelo civilizatorio del estado. Violencia simbólica que niega la identidad de un pueblo, a diferencia de otras identidades culturales como la alemana o de otros colonos; esta es una violencia moral que se sigue ejerciendo contra un pueblo preexistente a diferencia de los colonos que no estaban aquí. Ese es un punto clave para entender, porque hay una diferencia, aquí hay un pueblo preexistente y eso en la legislación internacional tiene un derecho garantizado. Eso se traduce en políticas asimilacionistas a lo largo de la historia para negar esa identidad. Por ejemplo, cuando Pinochet por decreto dijo que no hay más mapuche, sino todos chilenos. Nacimos todos aquí, claro, pero no quiere decir que todos tenemos esa nacionalidad. Eso se traduce en discriminaciones como la que sufrió el lonco que nos recibió, cuando era niño en la escuela le pegaban si hablaba en su idioma. El proyecto civilizatorio asume que el modelo es el del estado de Chile y no el de nación mapuche. Los golpeaban con varas de mimbre, los sentaban sobre porotos o se reían de ellos. Y, como consecuencia, dejaron de hablar en su idioma a sus hijos y lo fueron perdiendo. Es un modelo que tampoco respeta lo religioso, lo que no es propio del estado, y demoniza la religión mapuche.

Y está la pauperización de un pueblo. No solo se relaciona con la usurpación de las tierras, sino con un pueblo que se transforma en pobre, alimenta cordones de pobreza en ciudades, con toda la discriminación que implica el ser indio. Todas esas violencias siguen generando conflictos actuales.

Modelo forestal=pobreza

Hay también una situación ambiental en crisis. ¿Qué relación tiene con el modelo económico?

El modelo económico es parte de la violencia estructural, impuesto a sangre y a fuego. Tengo testimonios de campesin@s chilen@s que fueron desalojados de sus tierras por el Estado en colusión con las forestales para sus monocultivos.

Ese modelo forestal ha creado pobreza y un desequilibrio medioambiental gigantesco. Ha secado el territorio y recién ahora se plantea sustentabilidad, cuando ya va en la tercera cosecha, o sea, después de 30 o 40 años. Después de esas cosechas se requieren décadas para formar un humus fértil para otras plantaciones. El árbol crece 15 años y se cosecha, lo que significa que hay tala rasa, el monte queda desnudo, en algunos lados queman los rastrojos aunque por ley no debieran, y le echan la culpa de ello a los mapuches. Y nuevamente plantan árboles en una tierra que, en esos 3 o 4 años de crecimiento inicial, está desnuda, y cuando llueve, el agua corre y no queda en el monte, lava la tierra y la lleva a los esteros y de ahí al mar, arrastrando nutrientes a causa de estos monocultivos.  Y además está el gran consumo de agua que requiere una plantación forestal.

Dos cosas más: con el Decreto 701, 70% que se gasta en producir un bosque es financiado por el estado. Ha ido bajando ese porcentaje, pero el hecho es que ahí hay una apuesta del estado. En cambio, para que el agricultor cuente con lo que necesita para sembrar con trigo un pedazo de tierra, tiene que endeudarse con INDAP. Lo segundo es que la ley sigue favoreciendo estos desastres ambientales, porque se requiere estudio de impacto ambiental sólo para plantaciones de más de 500 hectáreas. Entonces, las forestales tienen muchos terrenos pero de no más de 499 hectáreas y por lo tanto, no necesitan estudio de impacto.

El resultado es que en los últimos 3 años se han multiplicado los camiones aljibe; cada día pasarán unos 15, aunque es cierto que hay más demanda por el aumento de la población.

Esto va a requerir una revisión del modelo forestal. No sé si es llegar y reconvertir pero se puede caminar a una sustentabilidad mayor del territorio. Y que el territorio decida.

En relación con el estado de excepción, ¿qué diferencias aprecia?

Vinieron los militares y se calmó el robo de vehículos y casas. Pero la reivindicación territorial y lo que llaman sabotajes a empresas forestales, quema de maquinarias, sigue muy activo.

No ha cambiado lo central: aquí no vienen servicios públicos porque es territorio estigmatizado. Ahora, los dirigentes de comunidades se pusieron de acuerdo para firmar una carta para que retornen las empresas de telefonía. Las antenas están casi colgando de un hilo.

La partida de las telefónicas se relaciona también con el conflicto…

Sí. Hace un tiempo a una de las empresas que estaba haciendo trabajos, le robaron las herramientas. A otra, le robaron la camioneta. Pero también hay una empresa que va a las comunidades con dirigentes, cuidados por ellos y no por policías y arman cuadrillas locales para reparaciones. Esa es también una manera de pensar el territorio desde el territorio

Gobernanza del territorio

¿Tiene alguna incidencia el hiper centralismo de Chile en el conflicto?

Es parte del problema. Lo que reclama el mundo mapuche es la gobernanza, mayor gobernanza territorial del pueblo. Es lo que reclama Magallanes, pero cuando Magallanes levanta su bandera y piden decidir ellos, nadie dice “son separatistas o terroristas”, pero cuando lo dice un mapuche, lo tratamos con la ideología que tenemos, los mitos sobre el pueblo mapuche. Es algo que está muy fuerte después del estallido social, tiene que ver con la repartición del poder, cómo el poder se hace más local, más comunitario.

La declaración de plurinacionalidad y autonomía territorial en la nueva constitución, ¿puede ayudar?

Puede ayudar, en la medida que es una declaración de intención que luego que tiene que ser bajada al cómo. Reconociendo de diversidad de modos de ser en el territorio, y que esos modos tengan derecho de gobernanza propia en el marco de la convivencia nacional. Hay gente que dice “tenemos que separarnos de Chile” pero la mayoría tiene un deseo: el que vive en ese territorio, gobierna ese territorio.

Hay dos ejemplos de gobernanzas locales. Una es Isla de Pascua, que tiene el título de territorio especial, con una serie de derechos y deberes propios distintos del continente. El otro caso es la ley lafkenche o del borde costero en que el estado entrega la administración del espacio marítimo a una comunidad.

¿La gente se siente perteneciendo al estado de Chile? ¿O la mayoría aspira a armar una nación propia?

Los mapuches se sienten mapuches, pero no quiere decir que no se sientan chilenos. El conflicto es más de los que no somos mapuche. Es como a un chileno que nació en Suecia y tiene dos nacionalidades, no tiene el drama de dos nacionalidades. La gente se siente mapuche, con una identidad muy particular, muy distinta de quien dice soy alemán. El colono dice “yo soy descendiente de alemán”; el mapuche dice “yo soy mapuche”. Algo que puede sonarnos brusco, una violencia para la identidad chilena, para ellos es un dato de la realidad, sin conflicto.

En la zona está desplegando esfuerzos el Centro Nansen de Noruega. ¿Cuál debe ser el camino para la búsqueda de solución?

No sé cuál es el camino. Es interesante explorar ese camino de Nansen (NdlR: el Centro Nansen de Noruega inició acciones de facilitación del diálogo en la zona) . Pero el camino es multifactorial. Uno de los factores, pero no el único, es entrar en un diálogo abierto y sin condiciones, con los distintos actores, inclusive los que producen violencia, desde forestales a la CAM. Para eso, requieres mucho tiempo de trabajo silencioso, sin publicidad, de diálogos locales con esos dirigentes para ir generando las confianzas de a poco. Y requieres un estado, un gobierno que esté dispuesto a hacer gestos que generen esa confianza para que los otros también tengan la disposición; se trata de hacer una especie de tregua mientras no resolvemos grandes preguntas.

¿Qué gesto podrían hacer las forestales?

Partiendo, entregar las tierras que están en conflicto. También significa hacer una reparación simbólica, entregándolas con algo que pueda ayudar a las comunidades.

¿Cuál es el ánimo que hay en la gente en Tirúa?

Hay mucho cansancio, temor, y me sumo a esa sensación, porque está bien compleja la situación, aparte de lo estructural, la vuelta de la gente de la ciudad, drogas, delincuencia, negocios, corrupción ha hecho que el ambiente está muy tenso. La gente está muy asustada, con miedo de transitar por ciertos caminos de la comuna. Hay también sensación de abandono y todo muy naturalizado. Todo es abandono por parte del estado: si quieres buena salud, tienes que ir al norte o al sur. Y la pandemia ha venido a complejizar el asunto porque hay más desconfianza, ha debilitado redes y vínculos comunitarios que eran más fuertes. Es un ambiente no muy sano.

En lo personal, ¿está escéptico?

En lo personal, tengo leve esperanza en lo que la nueva constitución pueda empezar a generar, no en lo inmediato sino en el mediano y largo plazo. Y tengo una muy pequeña luz, micro, casi, casi, casi invisible, pero no menos resiliente, que son los pequeños espacios comunitarios, redes, vínculos, que en medio de esta situación se han generado y que me hacen decir aquí hay un germen de resiliencia y esperanza para lo que se puede construir después más masivamente. Por ejemplo, pequeñas redes sobre todo de mujeres en torno a la huerta, a la economía solidaria local, tejidos, idioma, pequeñas economías solidarias locales, espacios de rescate espiritual de la religión mapuche. Significan resiliencia y resistencia frente a un modelo que quiere avasallarlo todo.

Entre las luces de esperanza no menciona al nuevo gobierno…

No, porque le va a tocar administrar lo complejo; es un gobierno de transición. Es mejor que lo que pudo haber sido la contraparte, Kast. Pero para mí, lo fundamental es la constituyente. El nuevo gobierno puede ayudar a ese otro proceso que es más importante. Con Congreso dividido, mucho no podrá mover pero sí tengo esperanza en el gobierno en que aliente la nueva constitución. Y a corto plazo creo que podrá tener políticas de diálogo interesante.

El robo de madera en la punta del iceberg

Para Carlos Bresciani, el robo de madera es un elemento más en la crisis que tensiona la relación entre el mundo mapuche y las forestales.

“Con el robo de madera, que pasa desde hace unos años, hay un beneficio: las platas están quedando en el territorio. Muchas comunidades han dicho “nos hartamos de ver pasar camiones que cosechan de tierras que eran nuestras, vamos a cosechar nosotros los pinos y eucaliptus”. Entonces viene un mundo muy oscuro del negocio de la madera, que le conviene a las forestales porque la madera le llega igual, directamente, y se ahorran costos. Esto trae otras complejidades y entras en otra dinámica, a una zona gris, de compras y ventas truchas, corrupción. Es lo que pasa cuando el estado no se hace cargo de la violencia estructural, porque no ha habido una reparación real a la víctima que es un pueblo preexistente al que se le ha negado su derecho a ser pueblo en distintas dimensiones, territorial, económica, cultural. Se pierden los límites, el lenguaje político para resolverlo y transformamos estos territorios en zonas sin estado. Entra la droga que enreda las relaciones sociales.

Estamos en un momento crítico en el territorio. Ahora están velando a un cabro que mataron en una comunidad. Hace un mes mataron a otro en la costanera. Hace tres meses mataron a uno quemado en una cabaña. Nunca había visto muerte de tanta gente por disparos. Y eso tiene que ver con ajustes de cuentas o mexicanas, como en las poblaciones de Santiago. Se está dando, con pandillas o grupos que no están en la lógica de recuperación política mapuche. Son jóvenes que fueron criados en la ciudad y vuelven con lógicas de narcocultura, al estilo Marcianeke. Eso pasa cuando el Estado está ausente, cuando su única presencia es la policial y judicial, persiguiendo dirigentes o judicializando demandas mapuches y ahora con militares. Eso es ponerle povidona a la herida, pero la herida va estar ahí siempre.

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