Fin del ciclo oligárquico: votaremos una Constitución moderna y democrática

La nueva Constitución consagra derechos sociales, según los recursos disponibles, con responsabilidad fiscal, así como el deber de protección de los bienes comunes. No se pronuncia en demasía sobre políticas específicas, las que se remiten a la ley. El derecho de propiedad queda protegido, pero sujeto al interés general, y con eventuales expropiaciones con las debidas indemnizaciones. Sin embargo, los “anti-nueva Constitución” siguen su discurso sobre terribles imaginarias incertidumbres, y se inflaman en la descalificación incansable del nuevo sistema político y de distribución del poder que se va delineando.

Gonzalo Martner y Edison Ortiz

Preámbulo: violencia institucional y normativa

Diversos historiadores, cientístas políticos y actores públicos vienen, desde hace décadas, denunciando y haciendo evidente el carácter oligárquico y autoritario de nuestros ordenamientos constitucionales. La de 1833, impuesta por el bando pelucón sobre los cadáveres de Lircay y redactada por una comisión presidencial, designada por el ejecutivo. Se generó un orden que encorsetó el cuerpo social, cuya principal consecuencia fue la violencia institucional que se manifestó a lo largo de toda la centuria decimonónica, con asonadas populares, insurrecciones, sublevaciones militares, guerras y conflagraciones entre compatriotas. La de 1891 dejó diez mil muertos y un presidente que se inmoló

Sin embargo, los ciclos de violencia periódica no se cerraron con esa guerra. El siglo XX, se abrió con la persistencia de la expoliación de tierras mapuche, huelgas urbanas, rebeliones populares, matanzas e instalación de dictaduras y gobiernos de facto, aunque breves, y con proyectos de nuevos ordenamientos institucionales que pusieran al país a tono con los tiempos. Esa fue la promesa de Alessandri para retornar el cargo, luego de haber sido sacado por la presión militar y, previamente, obligado a dictar legislaciones sociales en una nueva Constitución. La civilidad popular se organizó en una Asamblea Constituyente que llegó a redactar un proyecto de avanzada, pero fue desoída por la oligarquía política. La Constitución que surgió de la comisión se remitió a profundizar el régimen presidencialista.

Lectura de la Nueva Constitución Política de 1925

Como se sabe, el 55% del universo autorizado para sufragar, (que no incluía mujeres ni analfabetos) no concurrió a las urnas y la nueva Constitución se aprobó apenas con el 43% del universo habilitado. Y si bien la Constitución de 1925 acompañó la industrialización, incorporó algunos derechos sociales, separó a la Iglesia del Estado y dejó la puerta abierta para una futura reforma agraria y nacionalización del cobre, partió con tropezones. A apenas dos años de su puesta en vigencia, se instauró una dictadura en el contexto de una economía todavía dependiente de un salitre declinante. Se vivieron años de inestabilidad política y efervescencia social, huelgas, cambios de gobierno e incluso una república socialista de doce días. El autoritarismo del segundo gobierno de Arturo Alessandri, que incluyó hechos como la matanza del Seguro Obrero, estabilizó la situación del país, pero no avanzó en la “cuestión social” y terminó por dar lugar al ascenso al gobierno del Frente Popular. Radicales y socialistas, por primera, vez acceden al gobierno, con apoyo comunista, pero en una coalición que no logró consolidarse.

Pese a los aires reformistas que permitieron la creación de la Corfo y la incipiente industrialización del país, así como la generación de un estado mesocrático, no se resolvieron los problemas estructurales de una sociedad con predominio terrateniente, subordinación extrema del trabajo y con un capital extranjero que se apropió de la renta minera. En las décadas de 1940-50, estallaron sublevaciones populares, como la huelga de la chaucha de 1939 y el 2 de abril de 1957. El exdictador Ibañez había sido elegido, teniendo como símbolo una escoba y con consignas anti-partidos. En 1958-64, el gobierno de “los gerentes” de Jorge Alessandri representó un paréntesis conservador, pero con capacidad de tejer alianzas y de no cortar todos los puentes con el mundo social, aunque la ausencia de respuesta a las demandas populares, -en medio de un fuerte éxodo del campo a las ciudades con sus cinturones de marginalidad y pobreza-, terminó en la emergencia de dos proyectos políticos reformistas que, bajo la Guerra Fría, no pudieron dialogar.

La oligarquía, amenazada primero por Frei Montalva y luego por Allende, le dio el tiro de gracia a la vieja república con el golpe de 1973. Este contó con el apoyo norteamericano y fue facilitado por la fractura de las fuerzas reformistas de izquierda y de centro.

La prolongada dictadura logró una completa restauración oligárquica y una amplia apertura de la economía, contando con los recursos del cobre nacionalizado y con una economía agraria modernizada, luego del fin del latifundio. El terror permitió viabilizar la instauración de un orden capitalista en una versión de neoliberalismo extremo. Pero este necesitaba de una institucionalización para cuando llegara el momento de una apertura política, con mecanismos imaginados por Jaime Guzmán y sus cómplices, que anularan la voluntad popular. Se votó el 11 de septiembre de 1980, sin registro electoral, mínimas garantías democráticas y serias denuncias de fraude, que incluyó la votación de personas fallecidas.

El encorsetamiento social producido por la dictadura, los efectos de la recesión, y la ideología neoliberal llevan al país al borde del colapso. Estallan las protestas sociales, y el ciclo 1983-1986 deja más de 800 muertos.

El plebiscito de 1988 sacó al dictador de La Moneda, pero este se reservó una buena cuota de poder como comandante en jefe. Desde allí, la incipiente democracia se ve acosada  y algunos de sus actores terminan haciendo de la necesidad,  los acuerdos, una virtud. Con el paso del tiempo la democracia no produce las transformaciones que prometió y en 1998, ochocientos mil electores dejan de asistir a las urnas, pese al voto obligatorio. Con la entrada en vigor de la inscripción automática y el voto voluntario, nuestra feble democracia se desploma. En tanto, a partir del movimiento pingüino de 2006, la protesta social se consolida, se profundiza en 2011, y los escándalos políticos serán la antesala del 18/O.

La respuesta desde la mayor parte de los actores políticos fue un acuerdo para dar curso a un proceso constituyente inédito en la historia de Chile. Esta es la primera vez que se nos ofrece, mediante una convención constitucional representativa y paritaria, un prospecto constitucional que será votado por la ciudadanía libre e informadamente.

La nueva Constitución

Los opositores a la nueva Constitución han abandonado, por el momento, el terreno económico y social, porque no hay propuestas constitucionales en el borrador que no sean razonables y un progreso respecto a lo existente. En efecto, consagra derechos sociales, según los recursos disponibles, con responsabilidad fiscal, así como el deber de protección de los bienes comunes. No se pronuncia en demasía sobre políticas específicas, las que se remiten a la ley. El derecho de propiedad queda protegido, pero sujeto al interés general, y con eventuales expropiaciones con las debidas indemnizaciones. Sin embargo, los “anti-nueva Constitución” siguen su discurso sobre terribles imaginarias incertidumbres, y se inflaman en la descalificación incansable del nuevo sistema político y de distribución del poder que se va delineando.

Entre los impugnadores más extremos destacan los inefables Cristián Warnken, para quien se está estableciendo una «autocracia» o Andrés Velasco, para quien: «esta Constitución es el sueño erótico de Jaime Guzmán, al dejarlo todo amarrado a la pinta»; nada menos. Lo absurdo de sus afirmaciones (y aburrido a estas alturas), contrasta con el hecho de que se están eliminando, en el borrador de la nueva Constitución, los enclaves autoritarios y los bloqueos de minoría. A la vez, se preserva el derecho de las minorías a transformarse en mayoría, junto con cautelar los derechos fundamentales de toda la ciudadanía. Su tesis es que eso solo se logra si se establecen mecanismos múltiples de veto de la minoría por sobre la mayoría. Esto no solo quita legitimidad y sentido a las decisiones democráticas, sino que crea una gobernanza ineficiente, al ser un factor de parálisis de la modificación del statu quo, cualquiera este sea. Así no progresan los países.

Como señala el constitucionalista Javier Couso, en lo aprobado hasta ahora, no hay nada que se asemeje a facilitar la entronización perenne de un caudillo en el poder, a terminar con el principio de legalidad y la separación de poderes en la administración de justicia o a fragmentar el Estado. En cambio, se consagra que las mayorías periódicamente establecidas en elecciones populares orientarán la política pública, que los tribunales disminuirán su corporativismo en la carrera de los jueces, y que existirán autonomías territoriales y de los pueblos originarios en el marco del Estado nacional. Todo lo cual es propio de muchas constituciones democráticas.

Lo importante es no perder la perspectiva: a la cabeza de la oposición al cambio constitucional están los que defienden el orden oligárquico vigente. Se podría considerar que se utiliza por nuestra parte esta noción con fines retóricos, pero aludimos de manera precisa a aquel orden que se rige por el principio de bloqueo de la voluntad mayoritaria, por parte de una minoría que concentra una parte determinante del poder económico y político en su propio beneficio (Oligarchy, Jeffrey A. Winters, Cambridge University Press, 2011). Lo que se propone la minoría dominante es preservar los privilegios del poder económico y social, en un país que se transformó, desde la dictadura de 1973-1989, en uno de los más desiguales de América Latina y del mundo. Dado el funcionamiento del sistema político, esta realidad de polarización de riqueza e ingresos, y de percepción y realidad de abusos cotidianos, no se ha modificado en aspectos sustanciales desde 1990, aunque con avances sociales y de nivel de vida significativos, hasta que entró en una crisis terminal en 2019. Todo esto es lo que está llamado a quedar atrás.

Los opositores al cambio utilizan de manera estentórea los diarios y canales de TV, que son parte de ese poder oligárquico en Chile. El pretexto conceptual es que no se estaría estableciendo contrapesos para impedir una supuesta concentración estatal del poder, por quien conquiste el gobierno por medio de elecciones. Lo que está detrás de esta postura es la pretensión extemporánea de mantener trabas institucionales en la formación de la ley para evitar, por ejemplo, tributos progresivos, legislaciones protectoras del trabajo o el fin de la privatización de los sistemas de protección social. Se aferran a intentar mantener quórums altos de aprobación de leyes en la Cámara representativa de la voluntad popular, una segunda Cámara revisora que no exprese la igualdad del voto, sobrerrepresentando a las regiones rurales conservadoras, y mantener una tercera Cámara de revisión obligatoria de constitucionalidad, compuesta de modo que favorezca sus intereses.

Están en la escena pública, además, los que no son parte de los intereses directos de la minoría oligárquica, pero que se han amoldado para su beneficio al orden actual. Y que sostienen, desde diversas tribunas, la falsa idea, según la cual el avance a una democracia basada en el principio de mayoría abriría la puerta al populismo, la inestabilidad y el estancamiento económico. No obstante, es la ausencia de respuestas efectivas y razonables a una demanda de mayor protección social y de orden público, y a perspectivas de mejoría de las condiciones de vida de la mayoría, lo que alimenta los populismos y las violencias.

Esta corriente consolida cada vez más una alianza abierta con los intereses oligárquicos, que viene cultivando, desde hace tiempo, en nombre del realismo en el ejercicio del poder. Tal vez, percibe que su rol de ser parte (aunque subordinada) del bloque de poder cambiará en un nuevo orden político plenamente democrático, con lo principal de las instituciones elegidas de manera proporcional, paritaria y con representación de los pueblos originarios. Este grupo es el que obtiene una mayor resonancia mediática, pues la derecha pura y dura tiene demasiado pocas credenciales democráticas, por sus vínculos históricos con la dictadura y con el poder económico. Incluye a aquella parte de las «elites post-90», que ha llegado a preferir abiertamente no cambiar las cosas, mientras otra parte ha mantenido la aspiración a construir un orden democrático con justicia social, es decir, permanece fiel a la promesa de 1989, agregando ahora la aspiración a una sólida sostenibilidad ambiental. La primera se está sumando al fuerte error de no considerar que mantener el orden oligárquico es, precisamente, una fuente de conflicto y descomposición social persistente. Desde sus anteojeras y distancias, no termina de convencerse de las virtudes de un esquema institucional que sea representativo de la voluntad mayoritaria, y mucho más equitativo e integrador de la diversidad del país y de su pluralidad de voces.

El fondo del asunto es que Chile deberá optar el 4 de septiembre por cambiar o no las fuentes del poder político –la voluntad mayoritaria de la ciudadanía o la influencia decisiva de minorías económicamente dominantes–, y la naturaleza de los intereses que promueven o preservan las instituciones que conforman la República. Podremos, también, poner fin o no a un largo ciclo de violencia institucional. La ciudadanía de hoy y nuestros descendientes merecen que les entreguemos un mejor Chile que el que recibimos de la dictadura.

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  97. When I initially commented I clicked the -Notify me when new feedback are added- checkbox and now each time a remark is added I get four emails with the same comment. Is there any means you may remove me from that service? Thanks!

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