A propósito del monumento a Aylwin y “la política de lo posible”

Se ha inaugurado un monumento al expresidente Patricio Aylwin que no ha estado exento de debates, en particular por las expresiones allí vertidas por el presidente Boric con relación a su cambio de prisma, de ayer a hoy, con relación a la controvertida frase de “la política en la medida de lo posible”. Este es el balance sobre su tiempo de quien fuera actor de la campaña del No y luego subsecretario de desarrollo regional del primer presidente de la transición.

Gonzalo Martner

Cuando Patricio Aylwin asumió una vez más la presidencia del PDC en 1987, en reemplazo de Gabriel Valdés, para muchos de nosotros en la izquierda no era necesariamente una buena noticia. Patricio Aylwin había sido uno de los iniciadores de la Falange y del Partido Demócrata Cristiano, cercano colaborador de quien fuera presidente de Chile entre 1964 y 1970, Eduardo Frei Montalva, y fue parte de las luces -el espíritu reformador, que tuvo a su haber nada menos que una reforma agraria y una nacionalización parcial del cobre- y de las sombras  -el alineamiento anticomunista en la guerra fría y la férrea oposición a la izquierda hasta 1973, que llevó al apoyo al sangriento golpe de Estado del 11 de septiembre- del mundo político al que perteneció.

Resonaba en nuestra memoria su dureza contra el presidente Allende y el recuerdo de su voz en la radio el 12 de septiembre de 1973, escuchada en mi caso en la casa de una modesta familia que nos acogía en la población Santa Julia, donde intentábamos resistir, justificando el golpe de Estado en nombre de su partido, junto a Sergio Onofre Jarpa. Había dicho en una entrevista a The Washington Post el 26 de agosto de 1973 que, si le dieran a elegir entre «una dictadura marxista y una dictadura de nuestros militares, yo elegiría la segunda». El 17 de septiembre de 1973 declaró a la prensa extranjera que «el gobierno de Allende había agotado, en el mayor fracaso, la ‘vía chilena hacia el socialismo’, y se aprestaba a consumar un autogolpe para instaurar por la fuerza la dictadura comunista», indicando que  «la mayor prueba es la enorme dotación de armas que tenían las ilegales milicias marxistas que formaban un verdadero ejército paralelo, con un poder de fuego equivalente a 12 regimientos regulares y con la presencia activa de más de diez mil extremistas extranjeros».

Años más tarde, en su libro de 1998, Patricio Aylwin reconoció esto como un error de hecho: «aunque las irresponsables amenazas públicas de algunos líderes izquierdistas, sus simpatías con el régimen cubano, la existencia de brigadas populares armadas y la cercanía de algunos jefes militares al gobierno de entonces daban pábulo a esa opinión, los hechos demostraron que ese temor carecía de todo fundamento». El hecho histórico es que nadie significativo en la izquierda estaba preparando un autogolpe para instaurar una dictadura comunista (el fantasma del «golpe de Praga» que rondaba al expresidente Frei Montalva y a sus colaboradores cercanos), y así lo reconoció a la postre Patricio Aylwin, con gran honestidad política y personal. De paso, mencionemos que los archivos soviéticos dejan en clara evidencia que la URSS no apoyaba que en Chile se constituyera un gobierno satélite.

Este cambio de opinión refleja, creo, la personalidad de Patricio Aylwin frente a un tema tan doloroso y en el que su protagonismo fue tan directo. Y es que Aylwin, además de destacado profesor de derecho, fue un político que intervino en la historia de su tiempo con capacidad de asumir errores y de tomar un camino de acercamiento a sus antiguos adversarios para un objetivo común: nada menos que la recuperación de la democracia y retomar una senda de avance hacia la justicia social en Chile.

Alianza Democrática (1983 – 1988)

Después de un período de retiro de la política de primer plano, se sumó desde 1977 al Grupo de Estudios Constitucionales, el llamado Grupo de los 24, que preparó una propuesta de nueva constitución y que fue uno de los prolegómenos del acercamiento entre la izquierda socialista y radical y el partido democratacristiano. Este acercamiento se plasmaría en la Alianza Democrática en 1983, con Gabriel Valdés a la cabeza, que había abierto el camino al encuentro político entre el PDC y parte de la izquierda. Pero fue Patricio Aylwin, una vez que asumió la conducción del PDC, quien terminó apoyando la ampliación de esa alianza hacia la izquierda, que desde el socialismo renovado reclamábamos, en este caso hacia la Izquierda Cristiana, el Mapu y el socialismo almeydista. Frente a su actitud impecable de buscar el trabajo constructivo con la izquierda, nuestra reticencia inicial -que en todo caso  respetaba a las autoridades oficiales del PDC, pues habíamos definido desde el socialismo renovado una postura de salida política con movilización masiva contra la dictadura y la construcción del más amplio frente político posible para llevar a cabo ese desafío, aunque no concordáramos con sus conductas previas ni ellos con las nuestras- terminó por ceder.

Firmeza de propósitos y capacidad de articulación

La colaboración desde entonces se reforzó al punto de que el centro político y la izquierda democrática trabajaron codo a codo en la derrota política de la dictadura con Aylwin a la cabeza del Comando del No y, paso crucial, en la construcción de una alternativa política a la derecha, con la formación de la Concertación. Aylwin obtuvo, en medio de refriegas internas, el apoyo de su partido y luego del resto de la Concertación, mostrando una gran firmeza de propósitos en su liderazgo y una gran capacidad de articulación. Se trataba de un momento que no requería capacidad de halagar a la opinión pública, sino esencialmente la aptitud para construir un sinuoso y difícil camino de tránsito a un régimen de libertades evitando nuevos sufrimientos al pueblo chileno. Después de una tan prolongada dictadura, cuyos resabios institucionales y sociales permanecían fuertes, en ese camino se cometieron errores, pero había que estar ahí para conocer la complejidad de las opciones a tomar día a día. Muchos hoy juzgaron a Aylwin y a la transición que condujo desde los errores e insuficiencias. Pero sacar a un país de la confrontación que prometía prolongarse de modo cada vez más sangriento, en el que los caminos insurreccionales eran éticamente legítimos, pero, en las condiciones de Chile, totalmente inconducentes, es un legado digno de rescatar.

El gobierno de Patricio Aylwin confrontó la insubordinación militar,la prolongación de graves acciones armadas por grupos de extrema izquierda, el bloqueo parlamentario sistemático de la derecha –seguramente en el día de su muerte la derecha tomará la pose de la «democracia de los acuerdos» que fue en realidad la «democracia de los chantajes»- con senadores designados y sistema binominal incluidos. La acción de Patricio Aylwin incluyó el hermoso acto reparatorio del Estadio Nacional, la petición de perdón a las víctimas, el informe Rettig y -no sin debates y puntuales desencuentros – un intento de búsqueda de justicia frente a la violación de derechos humanos desde «la medida de lo posible», pero que no impidió llegar a la larga, a lo menos parcialmente, a la justicia a la «medida de lo necesario».  Y también fue la declaración de que el «mercado es cruel», en congruencia con el programa de gobierno que suscribió, que fue un programa de auténtica reivindicación de la democracia, del crecimiento con equidad, de la justicia social y de una política internacional autónoma. El ideal que Aylwin suscribió se confrontó a los derroteros áridos de la política y sólo pudo cumplirse en parte limitada. Pero quien encabezó el tránsito al régimen de libertades realizó un trabajo encomiable, que la historia no podrá sino juzgar probablemente como globalmente positivo.

En lo personal, puedo testimoniar de la sencillez, de la capacidad de conformar equipos y trabajar establemente con ellos, de la apertura al diálogo y al debate que Patricio Aylwin siempre manifestó en la etapa en que me tocó trabajar con él, tanto en el Comando del No, como secretario técnico de su campaña presidencial y como subsecretario en el Ministerio del Interior en los cuatro años de su gobierno. En su presidencia, me consta, se disentía y se discutía bajo su autoridad, pero una autoridad que respetaba la diversidad de opiniones y que, en ocasiones cruciales, buscaba expresamente la deliberación para mejor resolver y arbitrar considerando el interés general, aunque su opinión se situara eventualmente en otro sentido. Y que tuvo con los representantes sociales diversos y con la gente de izquierda que trabajó en su gobierno una actitud de permanente deferencia, pues cuidó con delicadeza la necesidad del reencuentro de los que, al confrontarse en el pasado, abrieron las puertas a la regresión social y la pérdida de los derechos y las libertades de las que todavía Chile no termina de recuperarse.

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216 comentarios en “A propósito del monumento a Aylwin y “la política de lo posible””

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