Cómo un senador y un lobista transformaron la ley del royalty en una nueva ley Longueira

El año pasado la Cámara de Diputados aprobó un proyecto de ley sobre el royalty (a mi juicio, muy bien diseñado). Era uno de esos proyectos de ley que hacía época. Sin embargo, la Comisión de Minería del Senado, a pesar de los mejores esfuerzos de su presidenta, lo tergiversó de tal forma que lo transformó en una farsa.  (link a la primera parte)

A continuación, la segunda parte del artículo publicado el miércoles pasado.

José Gabriel Palma

Universidad de Cambridge

Universidad de Santiago de Chile

1.2.- Falta de transparencia y conflictos de interés

Un problema de fondo fue que el Senador Girardi no se inhabitó en la discusión del proyecto de ley en esa comisión, a pesar de que las mineras que podían ser afectadas directamente por la legislación en discusión le habrían proporcionado grandes aportes financieros a su carrera política (ver también aquí, aquí; y aquí; ver el capítulo “Girardi” en el libro ya citado, y mi columna anterior). Y como dicha comisión tiene 5 senadores, el voto de este senador era decisivo.

Según un estudio de Cenda, este senador, por ejemplo, recibió de SQM más que cualquier otro parlamentario durante la campaña para su reelección al Senado ― e incluso más que los candidatos presidenciales de esa época. Estas platas terminaron envueltas en un proceso judicial de platas ilegales en la política, en especial las que recibió a través de fundaciones que él controlaba. Esto lo confirma el ex jefe de Administración y Finanzas del partido político del senador en cuestión, en una declaración ante la PDI en relación a la “triangularización” de las platas ilegales en la política, afirmando que: “(…) el propósito [de esas platas de SQM era] brindarle ayuda a don Guido Girardi, un senador connotado y miembro de Chile Ambiente [la fundación en cuestión]”.

Estos aportes de SQM fueron también confirmados por un estudio de abogados estadounidenses (Shearman & Sterling), el cual analizó en detalle la relación entre este senador y el gerente general de la minera no metálica en el período en cuestión. Eso también lo confirma un abogado de SQM, en su declaración (en calidad de imputado) ante la fiscal y un funcionario de la Brigada de Delitos Financieros de la PDI.

Lo relacionado a las platas de SQM y el partido del senador es tan sorprendente, como que la minera llegó a hacer contribuciones al partido en la forma de “un aporte de afiliado”: esto es, SQM pasó a ser de facto nada menos que militante del PPD ― partido en el cual, según un diputado de la misma colectividad: “Girardi era el socio controlador”.

Como decíamos, el problema de fondo en esto es que el Senador Girardi no se inhabilitó en la discusión del royalty en dicha comisión por sus conflictos de interés. Tenemos el ejemplo de Hernán Frigolett. Cuando fue nombrado director del SII, Ciper recordó que él, junto a otros políticos, le había hecho una consultoría a SQM por la cual había recibido $83 millones de la minera. Frigolett, inmediatamente, declaró que se inhabilitará en cualquier materia tributaria de SQM. Esta decisión la apoyó el ministro Marcel, declarando que, si bien el problema de la consultoría era distinto al del financiamiento de la política, era la decisión apropiada; no para Girardi.

Y en la ley que se despachó de la Comisión de Minería del Senado, el royalty al litio no sólo se redujo a su mínima expresión, sino que SQM quedó incluso exenta de su pago no solo durante el período de su actual contrato con CORFO, sino también después de que expirara. Si bien eximirla durante dicho período ya es discutible, seguir haciéndolo después de que expire es algo inexplicable. Y ahora, la única excusa en la respuesta a mi columna anterior es decir que “se les olvidó” determinar que pasaría con SQM después de que expirase su contrato con CORFO. Es para no creerlo.

1.3.- El rol de los lobistas

Otro problema de fondo fue que el senador en cuestión no sólo no se inhabilitó, sino que trajo a la comisión como su asesor “técnico” a alguien que trabaja para la minería privada, a quien Girardi no sólo le pidió que le diseñara el esquema del royalty gatopardista, sino que le pidió que lo presentara a la comisión en su nombre. La magia de su fórmula de royalty es que, con otros mecanismos, termina recolectando en forma extra neta prácticamente lo mismo que ya recauda el royalty Lagos-Piñera.

Este asesor del senador era Álvaro García, presidente ejecutivo de Alianza Valor Minero, una institución financiada y dirigida por la gran minería y sus organizaciones (como el Consejo Minero) ― quienes hasta forman parte de su directorio.

Este lobista es uno de esos tantos políticos jubilados de la Concertación, que ahora viven en parte de su capacidad para traficar influencias. Los exMapu son de los más cotizados. El hecho que, además, haya sido director de una financiera (Inverlink), envuelta en uno de los peores fraudes desde el retorno a la democracia ― con él como director de la empresa cuando se realizaba lo peor del fraude (por lo cual fue procesado, aunque no condenado como cómplice de la estafa) ― parece no tener relevancia. Para otros asuntos relacionados, ver también mi columna anterior.

La Comisión de Minería, por supuesto, tiene todo el derecho a invitar a quien quiera; eso no está en discusión. Pero que llegue alguien quien trabaja para la minería privada, como asesor técnico del senador Girardi, es otra cosa. Volvemos lo de la transparencia y conflictos de interés. Como la “ley Longueira”, donde ejecutivos del sector pesquero pauteaban a una senadora de la comisión respectiva, la que terminó recomendando regalar las cuotas de pesca, y a perpetuidad ,― cuyo valor se mide en miles de millones de dólares ―, a siete familias que ya controlaban el sector pesquero. Ahora, igual con el royalty: este asesor del senador recomienda una fórmula para calcular el royalty, según la cual otro pequeño grupo de conglomerados mineros va a poder evitar pagar unos US$ 6 mil millones al año en royalties.

Pero el problema central no es el de las personas, sino el de las reglas de la institucionalidad donde se opera. Espero que la Convención Constitucional ponga énfasis en los estándares mínimos que se deberían seguir en materias de transparencia y conflictos de interés. No puede ser que un senador que ha recibido contribuciones sustanciales para su carrera política, de un sector determinado, no esté obligado a inhabilitarse en materias relevante a dicho sector (como lo hizo Frigolett), o que un asesor de un senador no tenga que transparentar qué porcentaje de su sueldo en su trabajo cotidiano lo financian las empresas afectadas por la legislación en discusión. No hacerlo, es de república bananera.

Mientras operemos en una economía de mercado con agentes todopoderosos, regulación débil y un estado timorato, el resultado no puede ser otro que un desastre en procedimientos, deshonestidad de muchos e ineficiencia productiva. Siempre he argumentado que esta es una de las razones principales del por qué países como nosotros nos quedamos pegados en la “trampa del ingreso medio”. Se necesita un Estado capaz de “disciplinar” al gran empresariado a comportarse. Eso fue lo que hizo la diferencia en el Asia emergente, entre los que lograron romper esta trampa y los que se están quedando pegados en ella.

2.- Otros problemas del proyecto del royalty

2.1.- La fórmula Girardi-García

Lo primero que hace dicha fórmula es transformar el royalty en un ente “híbrido”, parte ad valorem, y parte como un porcentaje a la rentabilidad de las mineras. El proyecto de ley de la Cámara, en cambio, insistía (correctamente) en que tenía que ser solo lo primero. Es que es mucho más fácil fiscalizar el volumen de ventas de las mineras ― y el contenido de subproductos que contiene ― que sus utilidades contables. En el mundo de hoy, estas han llegado a ser casi un “extra opcional” en los balances corporativos, dadas las innumerables formas que hay para eludir impuestos (y no sólo en Chile; ver Naciones Unidas).

Este estudio nos recuerda la Minera Disputada de Las Condes; su propietaria (Exxon) “exportaba” sus considerables ganancias disfrazadas de pagos de intereses a Exxon Financials, una subsidiaria establecida en las Bermudas. También menciona, por ejemplo, que Escondida vende concentrados a refinerías relacionadas, lo que resulta en ingresos netos en Chile considerablemente inferior en comparación con CODELCO.

Otro tema es la contabilización de los subproductos. Si bien cada yacimiento genera subproductos diferentes, incluso entre las distintas áreas de una misma mina, es bien poco probable que el contenido de subproductos de los minerales de CODELCO, especialmente de molibdeno, sea tanto mayor al que reconocen las mineras privadas tan solo por generosidad de la naturaleza. Por esta razón, es inconcebible que hasta ahora Aduanas, para felicidad de las mineras, no tenga la capacidad de análisis químico del concentrado (o, mejor dicho, que sucesivos gobiernos no le hayan dado el financiamiento necesario para hacerlo).

Como se sabe, también aquí como en Europa Apple, Amazon, Google, Facebook, Vodaphone, Starbucks y tantas más, según sus balances corporativos (supuestamente) no tienen utilidades operativas ― y, por tanto, legalmente, no tienen que pagar los impuestos correspondientes. Se hablará mucho del tema en medios gubernamentales y en la Comisión Europea, pero, hasta ahora, nadie ha hecho algo concreto para remediarlo. Es cosa de reintroducir un mínimo de equidad impositiva en lo horizontal y vertical (para un análisis de este tema, ver).

Además, como en Chile, el argumento del gobierno de la época, y de los dos senadores de derecha en la comisión, era que el proyecto del royalty era inconstitucional. Esto debido a que las materias impositivas son de exclusiva iniciativa del ejecutivo (el proyecto del royalty fue iniciativa de la Cámara). Al transformar una parte del royalty en “un componente de rentabilidad” se le estaba dando al gobierno de Piñera el argumento que necesitaba para llevar a dicho proyecto al Tribunal Constitucional.

Lo que se argumentaba era que el royalty ad valorem afectaría a la pequeña y mediana minería. Entonces, la Senadora Provoste propuso subir la vara con la que se diferenciaba a la gran minería del resto de 75 mil toneladas de producción al año (metodología común) a 100 mil. Como esto no resultó suficiente para convencer a quienes querían un royalty híbrido, incluso se propuso (y luego aprobó) subir esa vara a 200 mil toneladas, por lo que el royalty del 3% solo se aplicaría apenas a cinco mineras (Escondida, Collahuasi, Los Pelambres Anglo American Sur y Centinela). Así, quedaban fuera de este royalty del 3% Sierra Gorda, Spence, Caserones, Zaldívar, Candelaria, Antucoya, Anglo American Norte, Lomas Bayas y El Abra, las cuales tienen ventas que se miden en miles de millones de dólares (y varias de ellas son de propiedad de grandes conglomerados mineros). Pero aun así, se siguió insistiendo en el royalty híbrido, lo cual quedó en la ley que se despachó de esta comisión. Cuesta entender.

Más aún, aunque se negó repetidamente en un comienzo, la fórmula García-Girardi implicaba que la parte de “componente de rentabilidad” (lo híbrido de la fórmula) reemplazaría al actual royalty. De hecho, en una de las reuniones pregunté dos veces al respecto, y se me aseguró que no: ¡que por ningún motivo pasaría eso! Que jamás ese monto reemplazaría al actual royalty, sino que sería adicional a él. Sin embargo, en el proyecto de ley que se despachó, lo sustituía.

Y según la fórmula García-Girardi, y por pura coincidencia, los dos montos ― el del royalty actual y el “componente de rentabilidad” del nuevo ― eran idénticos: alrededor de un 6% de las utilidades. Esto es, terminaban siendo “suma cero” respecto de lo que se recauda con el royalty actual.

Además, hay otra “resta” que hacer para llegar a la contribución extra neta del royalty nuevo (que ellos, en forma sorprendente, no hacen): la parte ad valorem del royalty no solo se reduce en casi un 90%, sino que al ser un costo de producción (compra de un insumo) baja proporcionalmente las utilidades y, por tanto, los impuestos correspondientes (el de primera categoría, el específico y el adicional).

Así, si bien se declara a los cuatro vientos que a precios actuales la recaudación del nuevo royalty llegaría (y hasta podría pasar) a un 0.5% del PIB, se les olvida decir que eso es recaudación bruta, pues con las restas necesarias lo que queda extra neto es incluso (con suerte) menos que la mitad de eso.

Para llegar a la cantidad neta correspondiente, primero hay que descontar Codelco (sus recursos ya son del Estado).  Luego, hay que sumar la recaudación bruta de ese 3% a las ventas (aplicable sólo a las 5 grandes mineras privadas, lo que recaudaría un 0.3% del PIB). Después, hay que descontar el “componente de rentabilidad” (pues, como decíamos, hace suma cero con el royalty actual). Finalmente, hay que restar algo más de un 0.1% del PIB por menor pago en impuestos (por mayor costo de producción).

De este modo, llegamos a un royalty nuevo cuya recaudación extra neta es incluso menor a un décimo del royalty de la Cámara. Mientras este recaudaría en forma neta extra 2.5% del PIB (para el cálculo exacto, ver mi columna anterior), el nuevo a las 5 mineras más grandes no llegaría ni con suerte al 0.2% del PIB. A eso, en ambos casos, hay que sumarle algo ínfimo que se le cobraría a la pequeña y mediana minería.

Para colocar esa cantidad en perspectiva, recordemos que, según el Banco Mundial, en las actuales circunstancias (precios de las materias primas) las rentas de nuestros recursos naturales son equivalente a más del 20% del PIB (como ya lo fueron en el “super-ciclo” anterior). Parte fundamental de lo cual son las del cobre (usando la misma metodología del Banco Mundial, se ha calculado que el cobre representaría la mitad de eso; ver mi columna anterior). Por tanto, si en algo se puede criticar al proyecto de la Cámara, y su royalty equivalente al 2.5% del PIB, es que coloca el “precio” del insumo (el royalty) en el rango inferior de lo que se debería cobrar.

            La próxima semana les haremos entrega de la tercera y última parte de este artículo.

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