Cuando ya terminó el trabajo de la Convención Constitucional, las fuerzas políticas, con excepción de la Democracia Cristiana, han tomado posición a favor o en contra del texto aprobado. La campaña de desprestigio en la prensa de derecha parece haber agotado todos los argumentos posibles, los de buena y mala fe, y recurrido a todo tipo de emisores, por lo que ya va decantando lo que está en juego.
Gonzalo Martner
El 4 de septiembre, la opción es muy simple: aprobar una nueva Constitución -elaborada por representación paritaria, democráticamente elegida y con representación indígena directa, por primera vez en la historia- o bien mantener la actual vigente, en la que opera el bloqueo sobre toda legislación que atente contra los intereses del 1% más privilegiado de Chile. Con la nueva Constitución, las leyes se aprobarán por mayoría simple, sin vetos de minoría, con plena vigencia de las libertades y de la separación y descentralización de los poderes públicos, con derechos fundamentales ampliados, incluyendo los de las de las minorías para que puedan optar a ser mayoría y dirigir las instituciones democráticas, con plenas garantías en elecciones periódicas.
Los que tienen dudas, legítimamente, sobre la nueva Constitución, tienen dos posibilidades. La primera, votar Rechazo con la esperanza de nuevas reformas de la actual Constitución. La derecha, que creó y defendió por décadas la Constitución de 1980, ahora la ha declarado obsoleta para atraer posibles incautos. En realidad, al llamar a votar por el Rechazo ha planteado mantenerla, en alianza con los “Amarillos” y algunos DC, con la vaga promesa de rebajar los actuales quorum de reforma a 4/7, para que el actual parlamento haga algunos cambios. ¿Quién les puede creer, después de 32 años, que terminarán con la prevalencia del principio de veto minoritario, que es la base de su poder y del orden institucional actual? ¿Harán esa reforma antes del 4 de septiembre? Lo que permanecerá serán las leyes orgánicas, los 2/3 existentes para reformas constitucionales en los temas principales y el Tribunal Constitucional bien atado, junto a la mantención del Senado, como institución de bloqueo, dado su sistema de elección y su carácter colegislador pleno. En todo caso, ¿alguien ha visto alguna propuesta concreta de cambio constitucional por parte de la derecha? Lo que defienden es el orden actual, con cambios cosméticos.
La segunda posibilidad, para quienes dudan, es votar Apruebo y confiar en que las reformas constitucionales que consideren necesarias sumen una representación suficiente para que se puedan hacer con 4/7 (el 57%) del voto en ambas cámaras, en el caso de las normas que no sean las relativas a los derechos fundamentales y a la estructura del Estado. O bien, que estas últimas se reformen mediante plebiscito, siempre que en el parlamento se alcance 4/7, y no se reúna 2/3 de los votos de los representantes.
Lo ideal hubiera sido que el actual parlamento no tuviera facultades de modificación, para respetar el mandato del plebiscito de 2020, y que toda la nueva Constitución se pudiera modificar por mayoría simple. Pero la pretensión expresa de la derecha, y parte de la exConcertación, de modificar el nuevo texto constitucional, si es aprobado, antes que llegue a ponerse en práctica -y reestablecer, en especial, el Senado actual- obligó a la Convención a establecer esta fórmula. Es, en todo caso, mucho más democrática para reformar la Constitución en los temas medulares, pues acude al pronunciamiento ciudadano; lo que la Constitución de 1980 niega.
Los nuevos quorum de formación de las leyes permitirán aprobar normas sin vetos para beneficiar a las mayorías en todas las materias que han sido objeto de bloqueo desde 1990. Ya no habrá leyes orgánicas y de quorum calificado, y el nuevo parlamento será uno que, junto con el gobierno, podrá abrir alternativas de cambio siguiendo la voluntad mayoritaria de la sociedad. Este es el punto clave en juego, y alrededor del cual giran todas las objeciones al cambio constitucional: el rechazo a la soberanía popular y paritaria, y el reconocimiento de autonomías indígenas como principios ordenadores del orden político que inaugurará la nueva Constitución, si es aprobada. Esto no es sinónimo de desorden ni de irresponsabilidad. El ejecutivo conservará facultades exclusivas, en materia de gasto y creación de empleos públicos, para una sana gestión económica. El parlamento podrá proponer gastos, pero la última palabra será siempre del ejecutivo, dotado de un mandato constitucional nuevo, de responsabilidad fiscal, extendido a las administraciones territoriales. El desborde institucional durante Piñera, que habilitó la facultad de modificar los fondos de pensiones, mediante reformas constitucionales, será ahora mucho más difícil, para que tomen nota los que descalifican a la nueva Constitución desde el ángulo de la crítica al parlamentarismo clientelista y al populismo.
72 comentarios en “La disyuntiva del 4 de septiembre”
Bueno, la verdadera disyuntiva no es entre izquierda o derecha, es entre los que siempre han tenido privilegios y los que no
Ninguna disyuntiva Yo APRUEBO FELIZ
Buen enfoque del artículo. Lo Apruebo
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