Otra secuela del 11: la izquierda y el síndrome de Estocolmo.

“Las derechas nada tienen que ofrecer al mundo salvo su conservadurismo, sus egoísmos, su falta de creatividad”.

(Memorias Críticas, Gabriel Salazar)

Según el historiador Edison Ortiz, la derrota del pasado 4 de septiembre también se entronca con el pasado y el 11 de septiembre. Una izquierda que luego del proceso de renovación inicial, “se acomodó” al status quo, entre otras cosas, porque luego del Golpe cayó presa del síndrome de Estocolmo, cuya expresión grafica ha estado en los gobiernos de centroizquierda que señalizan a la izquierda pero que, al administrar, viran siempre a la derecha. La administración Boric no fue la excepción a esa regla. Y pagó por ello.

Edison Ortiz

Otra vez el 11

Tanto aquí como en El Mostrador, en varias oportunidades y a propósito, nos hemos referido a las ‘otras secuelas’ del 11. Hemos hablado de “los niños del once”, refiriéndonos a todos quienes éramos infantes al momento que vimos La Moneda en llamas y la radio anunció la muerte de un presidente y cómo ese hecho marcó nuestras vidas; también de aquellos jóvenes partidarios del Golpe, luego conocidos como gremialistas y que, en su adultez, como actores políticos, fueron presa de depresiones psicológicas como Jaime Guzmán, Pablo Longueira, Hernán Larraín o Andrés Chadwick, cuyas crisis de personalidad se hicieron en algún momento públicas.   

Allende ganó el 4 de septiembre de 1970 y prometió transitar al socialismo por “la vía chilena, con empanadas y vino tinto”. En similar fecha, pero 49 años después, la aspiración de construir un Chile más justo volvió a ser derrotada, esta vez no por las armas, sino por los votos teniendo a la cabeza a un hipotético gobierno progresista, cuyo líder se reconocía en la figura de Allende.

Al cumplirse casi medio siglo de ese hecho, que marcó a generaciones hasta hoy, quiero, también, a propósito del resultado del plebiscito, focalizarme en otra secuela de esa fatídica fecha: la izquierda pos Allende que se transformó en cautiva psicológica de sus propios verdugos.

El síndrome de Estocolmo y su origen

El 23 de agosto de 1973, Jan-Erik «Janne» Olsson intentó asaltar un Banco en Estocolmo. Tras verse acorralado tomó de rehenes a cuatro empleados del banco, tres mujeres y un hombre. Exigió que le trajeran a un criminal condenado y preso. Pese a las amenazas contra su vida, incluso cuando fueron obligados a ponerse de pie con sogas alrededor de sus cuellos, los rehenes concluyeron protegiendo al captor para evitar que fueran atacados por la policía de Estocolmo. ​ Durante su cautiverio, una de las rehenes afirmó: «No me asusta Clark ni su compañero; me asusta la policía». Y tras su liberación, Kristin Enmark, otra de las rehenes, declaró: «Confío plenamente en él, viajaría por todo el mundo con él».​ El psiquiatra Nils Bejerot, asesor de la policía durante el asalto, acuñó el término de «síndrome de Estocolmo» para referirse a la reacción de los rehenes ante su cautiverio. ​

Algunos meses después, febrero de 1974, Patricia Hearst, nieta del magnate William Randolph Hearst, fue secuestrada por el Ejército Simbionés de Liberación. Dos meses después de su liberación, ella se unió a sus captores, ayudándolos a realizar el asalto a un banco. Este caso le dio popularidad al término de «síndrome de Estocolmo», entendido como la sumisión de la víctima a sus victimarios.

La izquierda chilena: del golpe a Chantilly al 4 de septiembre de 2022 ​

El Golpe provocó en la izquierda chilena una serie de reflexiones y cuestionamientos que, en el mediano plazo, concluyeron en la constitución del proceso de renovación socialista. Un hito significativo de ese fenómeno fue la división del PS  y la conocida reunión celebrada en el palacio de Chantilly en Francia, recinto conseguido por Carmen Castillo para la ocasión, que intentó reunir a “la convergencia socialista” en un hito que, según un conocido historiador, “fue una mezcla de cosas raras, volteretas e irrupción de egos”.

La renovación, necesaria para una izquierda sin diálogo internacional y “sin mundo” acercó a una parte del PS a Europa occidental y a su socialdemocracia más sofisticada y desarrollada. Ese derrotero se truncó a inicios de la transición en lo que, según Altamirano padre de la renovación, derivó “en el acomodamiento” frase que, no por casualidad, se acuña precisamente durante el mandato de Ricardo Lagos. El hombre del dedo, de su promesa de campaña de “crecer con igualdad” a su patético final, aplaudido por los empresarios que “lo aman”, resultó ser una buena síntesis de esa mutación. En medio de ello se ha instalado el CAE, la SEP, los peajes y concesiones, el cambio de regulación a las AFP, que ahora cargarán las pérdidas solo a sus cotizantes. En fin, lindo país esquina con vista al mar.

Cuando en 2005, Camilo Escalona, Ricardo Núñez y Ricardo Solari, según cuentan Andrea Insunza y Javier Ortega, dan el golpe de estado en enero de 2005 a la directiva que encabeza Gonzalo Martner, con el visto bueno de Michelle Bachelet, se formaliza el cambio de giro del PS de las reformas “al del orden”. Evidencia: se pone fin al eje PS-PPD, y se abraza a una nueva coalición con el PDC.

Por entonces, Bachelet, histórica militante del PS y cercana a Escalona, alcanza la presidencia de la república prometiendo aires de cambio, contra todo pronóstico pone de ministro de Hacienda a un neoliberal confeso: Andrés Velasco. Después del movimiento pingüino, que pone fin a su gobierno como proyecto político, se aprueba la controvertida LGE, se salva el sistema de AFP con la Pensión Básica Solidaria (PBS) y se introducen nuevas transformaciones al modelo que, por supuesto, favorecen a los de siempre. Se cuenta, en pasillos, que cuando Velasco, era cuestionado al interior de la coalición, llamaba personalmente al mundo empresarial para que lo saliera a defender. Luego, nos enteramos de que, también hacia “asesorías verbales” a Penta. El electorado se aburre de una centro izquierda que promete, pero que no cumple y opta por un símbolo del modelo: Piñera.

En paralelo a ese proceso, se inicia la diáspora socialista: primero fue Navarro, luego Arrate, MEO, Ominami, después Martner, Marcelo Díaz, Germán Correa y miles de militantes que se aburrieron del PS cantinflas. La descomposición del socialismo criollo sería letal para la irrupción de Piñera y el desangramiento del mundo progresista.

Luego del fracaso del político-empresario, el cuestionamiento al modelo educativo del lucro y el inicio de las secuelas letales del modelo de AFP, Bachelet vuelve a La Moneda prometiendo “Un Chile de todos”, donde se reconoce que el país: “está cruzado por numerosas
desigualdades que son una traba para que las personas crezcan y se desarrollen,
y también para que el país aproveche todo su potencial y talento”.

Su administración promete esta vez cambios y Peñailillo, en privado, sostiene que: “la jefa cree en las reformas”. A poco andar una parte de su coalición, el PDC, le hace la vida imposible, las reformas “se cocinan”, fuera del parlamento y a inicios de 2015 estalla el caso Caval que involucra a su hijo, Sebastián Davalos y a su nuera, Natalia Compagnon. Su administración concluye en febrero de ese año, en mayo la situación se concretiza con el ingreso al gabinete de Jorge Burgos, hoy rostro del Rechazo y Rodrigo Valdés, hoy representante de empresas chinas en Chile.

Las reformas se acaban, y las que se hacen – tributaria, gratuidad, inclusión, fin al copago – tienen más veneno que anti-bacterias. A una semana del fin de su mandato envió al parlamento un tibio proyecto de nueva Constitución como un saludo a la bandera por lo que no se hizo. El nuevo movimiento estudiantil irrumpe con fuerza en la escena política levanta el Frente Amplio (FA), pone de candidata a Beatriz Sánchez y casi pasa a segunda vuelta. Sobresalen en este nuevo referente crítico a sus padres, los rostros de Gabriel Boric, Camila Vallejo y Giorgio Jackson.

El grueso del electorado, con la complicidad del FA, castiga a la ex Nueva Mayoría por sus promesas de cambio no cumplidas e instala nuevamente a Piñera en la presidencia de la república. Andrés Chadwick, flamante ministro del Interior, a una semana de haber asumido, se reúne con empresarios y promete que no habrá nueva Constitución y que el país está bien. En ICARE, lo aplauden de pie.

El 18/O estalla Chile y se inicia un proceso constituyente inédito en la historia del país. Viene la pandemia se agudiza la crisis económica, que pagan millones de chilenos. El FA se sienta a esperar que pase la tormenta y en 2021 Boric y los suyos se imponen holgadamente en segunda vuelta. Prometen cambiar Chile, no repetir las mismas prácticas con un mandato bien específico: sacar adelante la nueva Constitución. Pero antes de empezar, de nuevo el zigzagueo de siempre: eligen un equipo económico para dar tranquilidad a los empresarios, que ya están embarcados en la campaña del Rechazo desde 2021; no envían los proyectos de reforma sustantivos; asfixian a los sectores populares y repiten más de los mismo: nepotismo, amiguismo y salarios y honorarios que son una afrenta al chileno medio.

Se elabora una nueva propuesta de carta magna, no sin dificultades pero que, incluso para intelectuales del mundo conservador, es la mejor Constitución de nuestra historia. Pero la izquierda nuevamente cantinflea y acuerda reformas antes de plebiscitarse.  Javiera Parada, hija del militante comunista José Manuel Parada un caso emblemático de degollados por la dictadura se suma al Rechazo; los senadores socialistas hacen lo mismo, mientras su partido mira para el techo. Ricardo Lagos, el hombre que escribió contra la concentración de la riqueza en Chile, texto nunca refutado, sin decirlo explícitamente se alista en el Rechazo y de a uno por uno, llama a sus excolaboradores a votar por esa opción. El gobierno del cambio, cuyo líder alguna vez prometió “no ser el comando juvenil de Bachelet”, y que, dice, se inspira en Allende, recula y termina perdiendo estrepitosamente el plebiscito.

Epílogo: mientras la izquierda no se libere del síndrome de Estocolmo, estamos perdidos

A un año de la conmemoración del 50° aniversario del Golpe, estamos una vez más derrotados. Por lo menos, esta vez, solo en las urnas y víctimas de una izquierda que no cree en su propio significado, que no valora sus luchas pasadas y cuyas generaciones, ayer y hoy, por eso mismo, tienen una actitud claudicante en el presente. Seguimos presos del síndrome de Estocolmo y esta administración quedará en la historia como el gobierno que perdió el plebiscito más importante de nuestra historia. En este escenario, ¿no habría sido mejor correr el riesgo de impulsar los cambios que se prometieron?

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