Retrato electoral de una sociedad ambivalente

Con el cambio de gabinete, entraron figuras concertacionistas como Carolina Tohá y Ana Lya Uriarte al gobierno, y casi se puede afirmar que se trata del tercer mandato de la presidenta Michelle Bachelet. Si su madurez y experiencia logran complementar el idealismo y atrevimiento de los jóvenes gobernantes, el poder ejecutivo podrá encontrar un nuevo rumbo. En mi opinión, el país espera que la clase política deje de darse gustitos y de aferrarse a posturas demasiado ideológicas, y que trabajen juntos para escribir una nueva Constitución que finalmente pueda unir a tod@s l@s chilen@s.

David Allen Harvey

En una frase para el mármol, el cantante venezolano José Luis Rodríguez dijo, desde el escenario de la Quinta Vergara, en plena dictadura y con Augusto Pinochet en el público: “Hay que escuchar la voz del pueblo”. De esto se trata la política y, después de las elecciones, los ganadores, los perdedores, y los opinólogos mediáticos tratan de interpretar “la voz del pueblo.”  En la conferencia de prensa de la presentación de los cambios de su gabinete, el presidente Boric repitió la frase famosa del “Puma”. La realidad, sin embargo, siempre es más complicada, porque el pueblo no habla con una sola voz y, a veces, da mensajes mixtos y confusos. Pero pocas veces se han visto vuelcos como lo ocurrido en los plebiscitos de entrada y de salida del proceso constituyente chileno. Hace menos de dos años atrás, el pueblo chileno, de forma categórica, rechazó la constitución de 1980, con casi un ochenta por ciento de los votantes pidiendo una nueva carta magna. Sin embargo, en el plebiscito de salida, del domingo pasado, el texto producido por la Convención Constitucional fue rechazado por el amplio margen de 62% a 38%, resultado que sorprendió incluso a la campaña del Rechazo, y que dejó atónitos a los del Apruebo. ¿Cómo entender la voz del pueblo cuando habla de forma tan inconsistente?

Lo primero que hay que constatar es que tales resultados salen de la norma de la política electoral de Chile, que se ha definido por elecciones muy reñidas entre agrupaciones de izquierda y de derecha relativamente equilibradas. Tanto en las elecciones presidenciales como las legislativas, estos bloques generalmente no bajan de un 45% cada uno, con solo un diez por ciento del medio que flota de un lado al otro y determina los resultados. Los dos plebiscitos salen definitivamente de esta lógica binaria. Es obvio que, en el plebiscito de entrada del 2020, muchos de los 80% que votaron a favor de escribir una nueva Constitución fueron votantes de derecha, y que, en el plebiscito de salida del domingo pasado, muchos de los 62% que votaron por el Rechazo fueron votantes de izquierda. Es importante interpretar correctamente lo que está diciendo la famosa “voz del pueblo,” que no corresponde netamente ni a una izquierda dogmáticamente woke, ni a una ultraderecha con nostalgia del pinochetismo, sino a un pragmatismo de centro. Si bien fueron millones de votantes que se mantuvieron constantes en sus opciones, también fueron millones que señalaron que sí quieren una nueva Constitución, pero no la que escribió esta Convención.

Sería un error atribuir demasiada conciencia o consistencia a los resultados, dado que los electorados no son exactamente los mismos, y los fake news hicieron su parte en desacreditar al nuevo texto constitucional. Pero, en mi opinión, los dos plebiscitos revelan una sociedad profundamente ambivalente sobre el legado de las tres décadas de posdictadura, período de profundos cambios, con algunas promesas cumplidas, y otras postergadas. El Chile actual es producto de los años ochenta, cuando los “Chicago Boys” lo convirtió en el laboratorio del neoliberalismo, pero también de veinticuatro años de socialdemocracia pragmática de los gobiernos de la Concertación. Es un país profundamente desigual, pero también un país bastante más rico, más abierto, y más tolerante que hace treinta años atrás. La aparición de tomas, campamentos, y otros signos de la extrema pobreza en los últimos dos años—resultado de la cesantía producida por la pandemia y de la crisis migratoria—chocó fuertemente a l@s chilen@s, precisamente, porque tal miseria, tan común en el pasado, casi había desaparecido por las obras sociales de los gobiernos de centroizquierda.

Reconozco que mi perspectiva sobre la actualidad chilena es distinta a la de la mayoría de los observadores. Soy extranjero, pero desde el año 1990 vengo a Chile todos los años, y ahora vivo parte del año en Machalí. Soy como esos tíos que visitan un par de veces al año y, por lo tanto, ven los cambios de sus sobrinos con más claridad que sus propios padres, que conviven con ellos de forma constante. No pretendo que mi perspectiva sea mejor que la de l@s ciudadan@s chilen@s, pero es diferente, y tal vez será útil para comprender la situación en que Chile se encuentra después de los dos plebiscitos.

Cuando vine a Chile por primera vez en agosto del 1990, como participante de uno de los primeros programas de intercambio estudiantil de la posdictadura, encontré un país pobre, provinciano, y profundamente dividido. Recuerdo que la gente se daba vuelta en la calle para mirarme, porque no estaban acostumbrados a ver extranjeros con mi apariencia. Yo era idealista e ingenuo, y me chocó la vehemencia con la cual mi familia anfitriona defendía a Pinochet, quien, según ellos, había salvado el país del comunismo. También me ofendieron los chistes racistas que solía contar un primo de mi polola (ahora esposa), que nacieron de su ignorancia, como no sé si jamás había conocido a un negro o a un judío. Me sorprendió el hecho de que las familias de clase media tenían empleadas, y sobre todo la manera que las trataban. Me llamó la atención la homogeneidad de la sociedad chilena de aquel tiempo: todos se vestían con los mismos colores oscuros, trataron de no llamar a la atención, y tenían miedo de decir lo que pensaban. Los largos años de la dictadura habían aislado a Chile, cortando sus lazos con el resto del mundo, y dejaron congelados, en cierto sentido, aspectos de una sociedad ya añeja: clasismo, machismo, homofobia, etc. Y la pobreza se veía todos los días, en todos los lugares que visité.

Es cierto que la alegría no vino, o por lo menos, las expectativas de la vuelta a la democracia, tal vez demasiada idealizadas, no se concretaron. La Constitución de 1980 dejó muchas cosas amarradas, sobre todo en materia de educación pública, pensiones, y derechos laborales. Pero los avances de los años 90 y del 2000 fueron asombrosos. La economía chilena creció a pasos gigantes, solo comparable a países como Taiwán o Corea del Sur, y se hablaba del tigre (o jaguar) sudamericano. La gran coalición del gobierno, que incluía partidos que en la mayoría de los países son adversarios (como socialistas y demócratas cristianos), adoptaba el modelo europeo de “economía social del mercado,” combinando liberalismo económico con ambiciosas políticas públicas para combatir la pobreza, construir viviendas, y mejorar servicios de salud. Es cierto que la Concertación no resolvió todos los problemas que tenía Chile: todavía la “deuda histórica” con los profesores sigue sin pagar, las pensiones (por un sistema privatizado que dejó la dictadura) no bastan para vivir la tercera edad de forma cómoda, y los empresarios se comportan como dueños de fundo hacia sus empleados. Además, es característica nacional de los chilenos el ver el vaso medio vacío—aún me acuerdo de la campaña de “Piensa Positivo” y las reacciones irónicas que provocó. Pero yo, como extranjero que visitaba constantemente a Chile durante aquellos años y que también viajaba por muchas otras partes del mundo, osaría afirmar que el legado de la Concertación se compara favorablemente a cualquier gobierno del mundo en el período 1990-2010. En este tiempo, Chile no solamente creció económicamente, sino también se abrió al mundo, convirtiéndose en un país más tolerante y más progresista. Ya nadie se da vuelta a mirar a los extranjeros, la juventud se viste (y se tiñe) de colores, y los movimientos feministas, indigenistas, y homosexuales han cambiado profundamente la vieja sociedad patriarcal que encontré en 1990.

Por eso, me sorprendió mucho después del estallido social que gran parte de la izquierda y de la juventud chilena quiso tirar por la borda el legado de la Concertación. Algunos hablaron de la necesidad de “refundar” al país, y la propuesta constitucional incluía cambios fundamentales que, claramente, provocaron desconfianza entre l@s votantes, como la definición de Chile como un país “plurinacional,” la eliminación del Senado, y un sistema separado de justicia indígena. L@s convencionales, tal vez ilusionad@s con el 80% del plebiscito de entrada, sobreestimaron con creces el apetito de l@s chilen@s por cambios profundos, y en vez de limitarse a redactar una nueva Constitución clara y sencilla que eliminara los obstáculos de la versión ochentera a cambios de educación, de salud, y del mundo laboral, l@s constituyentes quisieron emprender el papel de legislar sobre una serie de materias ajenas a su función principal (el medio ambiente, los derechos de los animales, etc.). Pero el pueblo no quiso una “refundación” de Chile, y desconfía de cambios profundos. Reconoce que, con todos sus problemas, que son bien reales, Chile está por lejos en mejor situación que cualquier otro país de la zona. Miran más allá de las fronteras, y ven los chascarros del kirchnerismo en Argentina, los conflictos agudos entre el ejecutivo y el poder legislativo en Perú y en Bolivia, el populismo peligroso de Bolsonaro en Brasil, y sobre todo la masiva crisis humanitaria en Venezuela, y no quieren cambiar los avances, limitados pero reales, que ha tenido Chile en los últimos treinta años por un posible pero incierto futuro. Hace cuatro años, Sebastián Piñera alcanzó una votación histórica para la derecha, con la advertencia de que el país arriesgaba convertirse en “Chilezuela.” Aunque después de su pésimo manejo del estallido social, son pocos los que admiten haber votado por el “Tatán,” el Cuco chavista aún espanta a much@s votantes del centro. Más que un salto hacia lo desconocido, prefieren avanzar paso a paso.

Carolina Tohá (Interior), Ana Lya Uriarte (Segpres) y Ximena Aguilera (Salud)

Mi conclusión, después de las votaciones de los últimos años, es que Chile es un país centrista y pragmático, que rechaza los extremos tanto de izquierda que de derecha. La gran mayoría de l@s votantes quisieron, en el plebiscito de entrada, poner fin al legado constitucional de la dictadura. En las elecciones presidenciales del año pasado, osaría afirmar que votaron más contra Kast que a favor de Boric, para evitar un viraje hacia la derecha dura. Pero tampoco quieren un viraje abrupto hacia la izquierda, ni poner en peligro los avances de las últimas décadas. Ni la izquierda ni la derecha tienen el futuro asegurado, y el centro, que parecía moribundo el año pasado, ahora tiene la clave del proceso constitucional, dado que ni la izquierda ni la derecha puede alcanzar la mayoría sin ellos. Con el cambio de gabinete, entraron figuras concertacionistas como Carolina Tohá y Ana Lya Uriarte al gobierno, y casi se puede afirmar de que se trata del tercer mandato de la presidenta Michelle Bachelet. Si su madurez y experiencia logran complementar el idealismo y atrevimiento de los jóvenes gobernantes, el poder ejecutivo podrá encontrar un nuevo rumbo. En mi humilde opinión, el país espera que la clase política deje de darse gustitos y de aferrarse a posturas demasiado ideológicas, y que trabajen junt@s para escribir una nueva Constitución que finalmente pueda unir a tod@s l@s chilen@s.

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